While queueing at a cash point
after hardly any sleep amid last night's drama, the Athens-based
teacher Evel Economakis still believes his country will hang on in
the eurozone.
http://www.newstatesman.com/economics/2015/06/view-athens-why-i-believe-there-will-be-no-exit-greece
This has never happened to me
before. On Friday, I
expressed in an article my confusion and amazement at all the speculation –
and panic – concerning Greece’s imminent exit from Europe and the
eurozone. I argued this would not happen for good and sufficient reasons
that benefit both sides in the five-month-long negotiations that have been
going on between Alexis Tsipras’ Syriza party and the EU, ECB and
IMF. Then, short hours later, at half past midnight on Saturday morning,
the announcement hit the news that the government has called a plebiscite for
next Sunday, 5 June.
Ever since, my friends here in
Greece have been kidding me about how off the mark I was in my appraisal of
Syriza. They said the referendum is proof Syriza is not play-acting with
the other side(s) in Brussels, Berlin, and New York, and that it will not sign
off on a tough austerity package that condemns the country to harsh
austerity and poverty for the next 20 years.
“See,” said my friend Yannis,
a pro-Syriza journalist who’s been unemployed for three years, “no one’s sold
out – Tsipras is going to the people and his government won’t cross any of the
red lines it set for itself.”
Yet are things so
simple? I remain convinced that Syriza will sell out. I must confess
though that some doubt did cross my mind when images appeared on TV, images
instagrammed by foreign correspondents in Athens of people lining up at ATMs at
three in the morning to withdraw euros. Perhaps the “catastrophe” was
finally upon us?
I went to bed at 4am and woke
up at 9am. With my ten-year-old son in tow, I drove off in search of an
ATM, and we only found one that still had cash after visiting eight. We
stood in line behind an elderly man. When he’d completed the transaction,
he showed me his receipt. There were €13 left in his account.
Most of Sunday, the TV
channels showed the debates in the Vouli, or Parliament. Deputies from the
centre-right New Democracy party waxed indignant about Syriza’s decision to
hold a plebiscite. This was irresponsible brinksmanship, they contended,
suggesting in no uncertain terms that Greece’s exit from the EU and eurozone
was Syriza’s policy all along since 25 January, when this “radical” (some said
“Bolshevik”!) party of 4 per cent managed to capture 36 per cent of the
vote and was propelled to power.
Others, like the former
centre-left Pasok (Panhellenic Socialist Movement) leader Evangelos Venizelos,
condemned the “anti-constitutional” nature of the referendum decision, going so
far as to call it a “putsch”. His argument was multi-faceted:
a) the decision was taken
“clandestinely” in the wee hours of the morning; b) the EU, ECB, and
IMF were never informed, and learned the news from the media; c) the Greek
people will have just five days' “preparation” to make a decision that will
affect generations to come; d) because of its “weakness”, “inexperience”, “lack
of guts” and unwillingness to admit failure, Tsipras’ government was
irresponsibly passing the buck to the Greek people; and e) the referendum
question is “unclear” and “cowardly” as it focuses only on the deal put on the
table on Friday by the institutions, rather than boldly asking the nation to
decide whether or not to remain in Europe, with all the attendant consequences.
Anti-Syriza deputies also
pointed to the hypocrisy of a plebiscite that asks people what they think of
the so-called foreigners’ new austerity proposal, when just a few
days ago Syriza itself tabled a proposal for €8bn in austerity measures
that surpassed in harshness all previous proposals by the Pasok and “bourgeois”
New Democracy governments.
Interestingly, both the
Communist Party and the fascist Golden Dawn insisted the referendum question be
phrased so that voters have the opportunity to reject both the proposal of the
Troika and that of Syriza. That is highly unlikely to happen.
By contrast, the Syriza-Anel
coalition (Anel: Independent Greeks, Syriza’s junior partner in government, a
right-wing and anti-Europe party led by Panos Kamenos), which together have a
comfortable majority in Parliament, responded with arrogance and indignation.
They pointed out that the
negotiations have been going on for a full five months now; that the Greek
people have had enough; that there is nothing intrinsically wrong with asking
the people their opinion. Alexis Tsipras committed himself to obey the
outcome of the referendum, whatever this may be. And, finally, quite a few
Syriza-Anel politicians made patriotic speeches likening the coming
decision to Greece’s historic “no” to Mussolini’s ultimatum in 1940.
So what will happen? To
be sure, we are dealing with human beings, supremely unpredictable animals, and
no possibilities may be excluded with mathematical certainty. Still, I
strongly believe that in the end a deal will be signed. Greece will
remain in Europe and the eurozone, and its government will agree to a raft of
austerity measures. In other words, what we are witnessing is a continuation of
the theatre, the play-acting on both sides.
The referendum decision was
taken by Tsipras in order to keep Syriza united and himself in
power. It has only added drama to a poorly performed play. Does
anyone honestly believe that the European Union will be torn apart over little
Greece? This may eventually happen, but not before major players like
Britain or France ask for a divorce from the EU.
Is it reasonable to expect
that agreement will not be found because the creditors and their Greek
debtors cannot agree on how much VAT to impose on macaroni and other
foodstuffs? Or how much to tax businesses on the beautiful Greek islands,
especially elite tourist magnets? The stakes, after all, are very
high. North American and northern European banks stand to lose a hell of a
lot of money.
Besides, polls taken show
that around 60 per cent of respondents want the government to come to an
agreement with the creditors – regardless of how tough these may
be – and remain in the European Union and eurozone.
Let us not fool
ourselves. The lenders will continue to play hardball. The Eurogroup
meeting of finance ministers convened in Brussels without the presence of their
Greek counterpart, Yanis Varoufakis. This has been criticised by Syriza as
a flagrant violation of EU regulations. Who ever heard of not allowing one
of the EU’s 18 finance ministers to participate in a Eurogroup meeting?
Worse, the lenders rejected
Varoufakis’ request for a one-month “bridge loan”. This clearly raises the
prospect that after 30 June the country will receive no more injections of
cash. If that were to happen, the 5 July referendum will be held in
conditions when all banks will be closed for lack of funds.
So what are the likely
scenarios? The institutions could remove their tough proposal and come
forward with a slightly milder one before Tuesday – one Athens will
accept. Or they will keep their present proposal and wait for Greece,
bloodied but proud in a resounding “No” referendum vote, to table a milder
proposal before Tuesday – one Berlin, Brussels, and New York will
accept. Either of the above possibilities will occur, but some time after 30
June.
Or, finally, Greece – with all financial stopcocks closed – will
be forced to issue its own coin, the drachma, and thus effectively withdraw
from the eurozone.
One thing
seems certain. No one can kick Greece out of the European Union and
eurozone. A Grexit can only happen if Syriza desires it, which it certainly
does not. Neither does the Troika. That is why the title of this article
is meant both literally and – much worse – figuratively. At
least not unless the icebergs begin to crack and break elsewhere, and crises
break out in France, Italy, Britain, or any other combination of important EU
players.