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Leaving Democracy to the Experts
http://inthesetimes.com/article/17048/freedom_and_democracy_to_the_experts
TISA’s secret trade
negotiations quietly restructure our global economy.
BY SLAVOJ ŽIŽEK
On June 19, the second
anniversary of Julian Assange’s confinement to the Ecuadorian embassy in
London, WikiLeaks
rendered public the secret draft text for the Trade in Services
Agreement (TISA) Financial Services Annex. The document was classified not only
during TISA negotiations, but for five years after it enters into force.
While the TISA negotiations
have not been censored outright, they have been barely mentioned in the media—
a marginalization and secrecy that are in stark contrast with the
world-historical importance of the TISA agreement. TISA would effectively serve
as a kind of legal backbone for the restructuring of the world market, binding
future governments regardless of who wins elections and what the courts say. It
would impose a restrictive framework on public services, making it more
difficult both to develop new ones and protect existing ones.
Is this discrepancy between
politico-economic importance and secrecy really surprising? Is it not rather a
sad but precise indication of where we in Western liberal-democratic countries
stand with regard to democracy? A century and half ago, in Das Kapital,
Karl Marx characterized
the market exchange between worker and capitalist as “a very Eden of
the innate rights of man. There alone rule Freedom, Equality, Property and
Bentham.”
For Marx, the ironic
addition of Jeremy Bentham, the philosopher of egotist utilitarianism, provides
the key to what freedom and equality effectively mean in capitalist society. To
quote The
Communist Manifesto: “By freedom is meant, under the present bourgeois
conditions of production, free trade, free selling and buying.” And by equality
is meant the legal formal equality of buyer and seller, even if one of them is
forced to sell his labor under any conditions, like today’s precarious workers.
Today, freedom means the free flow of capital, as well as of the financial and
personal data (both flows guaranteed by TISA). But what about democracy?
The main culprits of the
2008 financial meltdown now impose themselves as experts who can lead us on the
painful path of financial recovery, and whose advice should therefore overcome
parliamentary politics. Or, as former Italian prime minister and EU technocrat Mario
Monti put it: “If governments let themselves be fully bound by the
decisions of their parliaments without protecting their own freedom to act, a
breakup of Europe would be a more probable outcome than deeper integration.”
Which, then, is the higher
force whose authority can suspend the decisions of the democratically elected
representatives of the people? As early as 1998, the answer was provided by
Hans Tietmeyer, then the governor of the Deutsches Bundesbank, who held up
“the permanent plebiscite of global markets” as superior to the “plebiscite of
the ballot box.” Note the democratic rhetoric of this obscene statement: Global
markets are more democratic than parliamentary elections, since the process of
voting goes on in them permanently, rather than every four years, and globally,
rather than within the limits of a nation-state. The underlying idea: When
separated from this higher control of markets (and experts),
parliamentary-democratic decisions are “irresponsible.”
This, then, is where we
stand with regard to democracy. The TISA agreements are a perfect example. The
key decisions concerning our economy are negotiated in secrecy, out of our
sight, with no public debate. And such decisions set the coordinates for the
unencumbered rule of capital. This severely limits the space for the decisions
of democratically elected political representatives, leaving the political
process to deal predominantly with issues toward which capital is indifferent,
like the outcome of cultural wars.
Consequently, the release of
the TISA draft marks a new stage in the WikiLeaks strategy. Until now, its
activity has focused on making public how our lives are monitored and regulated
by intelligence agencies of the state—the standard liberal concern of
individuals threatened by oppressive state apparatuses. Now, another
controlling force appears—capital—that threatens our freedom in a much more
twisted way, perverting our very sense of freedom.
Since our society elevates
free choice into a supreme value, social control and domination can no longer
appear to be infringing on subject’s freedom. Un-freedom, then, is cloaked in
the guise of its opposite: When we are deprived of universal healthcare, we are
told that we are given a new freedom to choose our healthcare provider; when we
no longer can rely on longterm employment and are compelled to search for a new
precarious work every couple of years, we are told that we are given the
opportunity to reinvent ourselves and discover new unexpected creative
potentials that lurked in our personality; when we have to pay for the
education of our children, we are told that we become “entrepreneurs of the
self,” free to invest in our own—and our children’s—personal growth and
fulfillment.
Constantly bombarded by
these imposed “free choices,” forced to make decisions for which we are mostly
not even properly qualified or informed, our “freedom of choice” increasingly
becomes a burden that deprives us of true freedom of choice—the choice (or
rather, decision) to move beyond market-freedom into the freedom of
collectively organizing and regulating the process of production and exchange.
It is more and more becoming clear that only in this way will humanity be able
to cope with antagonisms that threaten its very survival (ecology, biogenetics,
“intellectual property,” the rise of the new class of those excluded from
public life).
Perhaps this paradox throws
a new light on our obsession with the ongoing events in Ukraine—events
extensively covered by the media, in clear contrast to the predominant silence
on TISA. What fascinates us in the West is not the fact that people in Kiev
stood up for the mirage of the European way of life, but that they—seemingly,
at least—simply stood up and tried to take their fate into their own hands.
They acted as a political agent enforcing a radical change—something that, as
the TISA negotiations demonstrate, we in the West no longer have the choice to
do
Slavoj Žižek, a Slovenian
philosopher and psychoanalyst, is a senior researcher at the Institute for
Advanced Study in the Humanities, in Essen, Germany. He has also been a
visiting professor at more than 10 universities around the world. Žižek is the
author of many other books, including Living in the End Times, First
As Tragedy, Then As Farce, The Fragile Absolute, and Did
Somebody Say Totalitarianism? He lives in London.
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