The film shines a spotlight on Italy in a way Matteo
Renzi won't – which is why the Italian media has panned it
Arianna Letizia and Santiago Zabala
theguardian.com, Feb. 27
http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/feb/27/the-great-beauty-italy-prime-minister-matteo-renzi
Paolo Sorrentino's latest film, The Great Beauty,
and Matteo Renzi's appointment as the prime minister of Italy, are
probably the most significant recent events in Italian culture and politics.
Even though Renzi belongs to the same political
establishment that has been running the country for decades, most Italian newspapers
praise him as the man capable of breaking the deadlock in which the nation has
found itself since Silvio Berlusconi took power more than 20 years ago. The
reaction to Sorrentino's movie has been very different. Although it has won
a Golden Globe, a European Film Award, and a Bafta for best foreign language
film – and could be honoured with an Oscar this weekend – it has been heavily
criticised throughout the Italian media. Alessandra Levantesi Kezich of La
Stampa says the characters "are nothing more than grotesque
fragments of a puzzle incapable of composing a unitary design", while
Paolo Mereghetti of Il Corriere della Sera thinks "in the end
Sorrentino has really not understood much of the beauty (and ugliness) of
Rome". But why?
The Great Beauty
discloses not only the beauty of Rome but also its greatness – that is, its
aesthetic dimension. This is probably why the movie begins with the death of a
Japanese tourist as he admires a panoramic view of the whole of Rome from the
Janiculum, a hill west of the river Tiber. The city's beauty seems to imply and
demand something he cannot resist. However, the movie is not about this
tourist, but about those who resist – that is, who have given something up in
exchange for this great beauty. This is why the main character, a 65-year-old
Neapolitan called Jep Gambardella, masterfully played by the award-winning
actor Toni Servillo, is constantly looking for new ways to fulfil his life, as
if the best part has already gone. He is not alone. His group of bourgeois
friends, aged over 60, (some of whom are inspired by real writers,
intellectuals and artists), resist by attending trashy parties; it's a
generation incapable of growing up. As it turns out, the younger generation is
almost entirely absent. So, if Italy is no country for young men, it is due to
this older generation whose resistance is so well disclosed by Sorrentino's
characters.
Even though last Saturday Renzi became the youngest prime
minister in the history of Italy, he is no stranger to politics. His fame began
in 2011 when he declared that a complete change was necessary not only in
Italian politics, but also within his party. This launched an internal dispute
that he finally won a few weeks ago, forcing prime minister Enrico Letta, a
member of his own party, to resign. Afterwards he immediately made a deal with
Berlusconi and promised to enact a new reform every month. Even Niccolò
Machiavelli would be surprised to see how well Renzi manoeuvred himself into
the highest seat of parliament using those same political models he says he
intends to overcome.
While Ezio Mauro, editor-in-chief of the progressive La
Repubblica newspaper, says the new golden boy of Italian politics will be
successful because he is "post-ideological" – that is, beyond
institutional manoeuvres – Allesandro Sallusti, in charge of the conservative Il
Giornale newspaper, praised the deal because "it drags away with force
the leftist anti-Berlusconi militant ideology which is blind and stupid".
As it turns out, this ideology is one of the few things that united most
progressive Italians.
If journalists have been so supportive of Renzi's
appointment and critical of Sorrentino's masterpiece, it is probably because
the latter portrays Italy more faithfully than the former. And because the new
prime minister recalls what Giuseppe Tomasi di Lampedusa wrote in his novel The
Leopard: "If we want things to stay as they are, they will have to
change.
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