The French are right: tear up public debt – most of it is
illegitimate anyway
Debt audits show that austerity is politically motivated
to favour social elites. Is a new working-class internationalism in the air?
As history has shown, France is capable of the best and
the worst, and often in short periods of time.
http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/jun/09/french-public-debt-audit-illegitimate-working-class-internationalim?CMP=EMCNEWEML6619I2
by Razmig Keucheyan
On the day following Marine Le Pen's Front National victory in the European
elections, however, France made a decisive contribution to the reinvention of a
radical politics for the 21st century. On that day, the committee for a citizen's audit
on the public debt issued a 30-page report on French public debt, its
origins and evolution in the past decades. The report was written by a group of
experts in public finances under the coordination of Michel Husson, one of
France's finest critical economists. Its conclusion is straightforward: 60% of
French public debt is illegitimate.
Anyone who has read a newspaper in recent years knows how
important debt is to contemporary politics. As David Graeber among
others has shown, we live in debtocracies, not democracies. Debt, rather than
popular will, is the governing principle of our societies, through the devastating
austerity policies implemented in the name of debt reduction. Debt was also a
triggering cause of the most innovative social movements in recent years, the
Occupy movement.
If it were shown that public debts were somehow
illegitimate, that citizens had a right to demand a moratorium – and even the
cancellation of part of these debts – the political implications would be huge.
It is hard to think of an event that would transform social life as profoundly
and rapidly as the emancipation of societies from the constraints of debt. And
yet this is precisely what the French report aims to do.
The audit is part of a wider movement of popular debt
audits in more than 18 countries. Ecuador and Brazil have had theirs, the former at the
initiative of Rafael Correa's government, the latter organised by civil
society. European social movements have also put in place debt audits, especially
in countries harder hit by the sovereign debt crisis, such as Greece and Spain. In Tunisia, the post-revolutionary
government declared the debt taken out during Ben Ali's dictatorship an
"odious" debt: one that served to enrich the clique in power, rather
than improving the living conditions of the people.
The report on French debt contains several key findings.
Primarily, the rise in the state's debt in the past decades cannot be explained
by an increase in public spending. The neoliberal argument in favour of
austerity policies claims that debt is due to unreasonable public spending
levels; that societies in general, and popular classes in particular, live
above their means.
This is plain false. In the past 30 years, from 1978 to
2012 more precisely, French public spending has in fact decreased by two GDP
points. What, then, explains the rise in public debt? First, a fall in the tax
revenues of the state. Massive tax reductions for the wealthy and big
corporations have been carried out since 1980. In line with the neoliberal
mantra, the purpose of these reductions was to favour investment and
employment. Well, unemployment is at its highest today, whereas tax revenues
have decreased by five points of GDP.
The second factor is the increase in interest rates,
especially in the 1990s. This increase favoured creditors and speculators, to
the detriment of debtors. Instead of borrowing on financial markets at
prohibitive interest rates, had the state financed itself by appealing to
household savings and banks, and borrowed at historically normal rates, the
public debt would be inferior to current levels by 29 GDP points.
Tax reductions for the wealthy and interest rates
increases are political decisions. What the audit shows is that public deficits
do not just grow naturally out of the normal course of social life. They are
deliberately inflicted on society by the dominant classes, to legitimise austerity
policies that will allow the transfer of value from the working classes to the
wealthy ones.
A stunning finding of the report is that no one actually
knows who holds the French debt. To finance its debt, the French state, like
any other state, issues bonds, which are bought by a set of authorised banks.
These banks then sell the bonds on the global financial markets. Who owns these
titles is one of the world's best kept secrets. The state pays interests to the
holders, so technically it could know who owns them. Yet a legally organised
ignorance forbids the disclosure of the identity of the bond holders.
This deliberate organisation of ignorance – agnotology –
in neoliberal economies intentionally renders the state powerless, even when it
could have the means to know and act. This is what permits tax evasion in its
various forms – which last year cost about €50bn to European societies, and
€17bn to France alone.
Hence, the audit on the debt concludes, some 60% of the
French public debt is illegitimate.
An illegitimate debt is one that grew in the service of
private interests, and not the wellbeing of the people. Therefore the French
people have a right to demand a moratorium on the payment of the debt, and the
cancellation of at least part of it. There is precedent for this: in 2008 Ecuador
declared 70% of its debt illegitimate.
The nascent global movement for debt audits may well
contain the seeds of a new internationalism – an internationalism for today –
in the working classes throughout the world. This is, among other things, a
consequence of financialisation. Thus debt audits might provide a fertile ground
for renewed forms of international mobilisations and solidarity.
This new internationalism could start with three easy
steps.
1) Debt audits in all countries
The crucial point is to demonstrate, as the French audit
did, that debt is a political construction, that it doesn't just happen to
societies when they supposedly live above their means. This is what justifies
calling it illegitimate, and may lead to cancellation procedures. Audits on
private debts are also possible, as the Chilean artist Francisco Tapia has
recently shown by auditing student loans in an imaginative way.
2) The disclosure of the identity of debt holders
A directory of creditors at national and international
levels could be assembled. Not only would such a directory help fight tax
evasion, it would also reveal that while the living conditions of the majority
are worsening, a small group of individuals and financial institutions has
consistently taken advantage of high levels of public indebtedness. Hence, it
would reveal the political nature of debt.
3) The socialisation of the banking system
The state should cease to borrow on financial markets,
instead financing itself through households and banks at reasonable and
controllable interest rates. The banks themselves should be put under the
supervision of citizens' committees, hence rendering the audit on the debt
permanent. In short, debt should be democratised. This, of course, is the
harder part, where elements of socialism are introduced at the very core of the
system. Yet, to counter the tyranny of debt on every aspect of our lives, there
is no alternative.
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