By Kayla Costa and Mark
Witkowski
27 March 2019
After the Teamsters union
unilaterally imposed a sellout contract on nearly 250,000 workers at United
Parcel Service (UPS) last October, resistant workers are now confronting
efforts by union bureaucrats to push through local and regional supplemental
agreements.
In addition to the national
master agreements for UPS and UPS Freight, workers vote on three regional
agreements for the Central, Western and Eastern regions, and twenty-five
supplements and riders covering union locals, urban metro areas and state
regions. These additional agreements sort out particular details relating to
health care and pension benefits, wages, quotas for job creations, vacation
days and overtime for workers within these regions.
These agreements must be approved
across the US before the national agreement can technically go into effect,
though UPS, with the assistance of the Teamsters, has already ramped up
exploitation of the workforce and announced a profit-boosting “transformation
plan.” Serving as a direct arm of corporate management, the Teamsters union is
eager to rush through these local and supplemental votes to give UPS the green
light to establish a new tier of “hybrid” drivers, maintain poverty wages for
the part-time workforce, and ramp up workloads and harassment.
During the nationwide voting
process, workers voted against the following six tentative agreements: Central
Pennsylvania, Western Pennsylvania, Local 243 Metro Detroit in Michigan,
Upstate and Western New York, Local 804 New York City, and Trailer Conditioners
Inc. (TCI). Their rejection sent union representatives back to the negotiating
table, only to return with a second offer that workers knew was equally bad if
not worse than the first offer.
Since the initial rejection,
only the TCI supplement was approved, by a 58 to 42 percent “yes” vote. Workers
voted against the follow-up offers in Upstate and Western New York, Western
Pennsylvania, and Metro Detroit, and negotiations are ongoing behind workers’
backs in Central Pennsylvania and Local 804 in New York. However, workers
confront the anti-democratic efforts of the union every step of the way.
For example, after workers
voted by 65 percent against the Upstate and Western New York supplement, the
Teamsters used the obscure “two-thirds clause” in the union constitution to
declare it ratified. The clause requires a two-thirds vote to defeat a
contract, instead of a simple majority, if less than 50 percent of eligible
members participate in the ratification vote. Written into the constitution
thirty years ago, this clause was used for the first time when 54 percent of
parcel division workers voted against the national agreement last fall.
More recently, in early March,
UPS workers voted against the supplemental agreements for Western Pennsylvania
and Metro Detroit by 96 percent and 88 percent, respectively. Unable to use the
bogus two-thirds loophole, Teamsters executives debated the best strategy to
drive through the sellout as quickly as possible.
The faction of the union
represented by Denis Taylor, the Package Division Director of the union, and
President James Hoffa prepared to impose the agreements unilaterally, using
“emergency” clauses in the constitution. Fearing that this would provoke a
rebellion, the majority of the leaders on the General Executive Board pushed
against this plan and instead suggested the pursuit of the normal strategy of
wearing down opposition through repeated votes on sellout after sellout.
Avral Thompson, the Vice
President of the Central Region, warned that, “The imposition would violate the
trust and solidarity of our members and local unions,” adding that local
leaders in the relevant states have threatened legal action if the agreements
were forced through.
In 2013, the Hoffa
administration amended the constitution in order to unilaterally impose the
supplements and riders after workers voted three times to reject union-backed
deals.
The Teamsters United and
Teamsters for a Democratic Union (TDU) have played a treacherous role by
insisting that rank-and-file workers cannot take any action unless it is
authorized by the Teamsters bureaucracy, which has repeatedly trampled on the
rights of workers on behalf of management.
With sentiment growing for
wildcat strikes and increasing support for the call by the WSWS UPS
Workers Newletter for UPS workers to form rank-and-file committees to take
the conduct of the struggle out of the hands of the Teamsters, the two
so-called reform factions did everything to uphold the authority of corrupt
bureaucracy.
At the same time, they claimed
the union would be democratized by electing TU and TDU-backed candidates in
local elections and replacing Hoffa in the race for Teamsters president in
2021. But the presidency of TDU-backed candidate Ron Carey in 1992, who was
elected in a US Labor Department-supervised election, did nothing to change the
character of the Teamsters. Carey betrayed the 1997 UPS strike, signing a deal
that sanctioned the hiring of part-time employees as full-timers with a reduced
pay scale.
Carey was later brought down
in a corruption scandal implicating the AFL-CIO and the Democratic National
Committee.
As the union continues its
campaign to ram through the sellout for hundreds of thousands of exploited UPS
drivers, warehouse workers and other employees, the TDU and TU are reprising
the same dead-end proposal as they did after the rejection of the national
contract, telling workers to send the negotiators back to the table for a
“good” contract. This is a fraud. The Teamsters is a business, not a genuine
workers’ organization, and it is led by affluent executives who have a direct
financial stake in increasing the exploitation of UPS workers and increasing
the profits of the corporation.
UPS workers must draw the
lessons from this past year and begin to form rank-and-file committees,
independent of the unions, to fight the corporate-union conspiracy and advance
the interests of drivers, warehouse and other workers. These committees should
link up with the fight of workers at Amazon, FedEx and other logistics companies
in the US and internationally, to begin a coordinated effort to mobilize the
enormous strength of workers in this strategically critical sector of the world
economy. An industrial counter-offensive must be combined with a political
struggle against both big business parties and the capitalist system they
defend. The aim of such a struggle must be the socialist transformation of the
economy, including transforming the logistics industry into a public
enterprise, collectively owned and democratically controlled by the working
class.
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