by Thomas Neuburger
There are two groups of
candidates in the Democratic candidate field. The first group contains people
like Bernie Sanders. The second group contains all other candidates whom
corporate Democratic power brokers will find acceptable.
That makes handicapping this
field pretty easy, at least so far. Note that it's very early days still, so
this is a way-too-early set of predictions.
Characterizing the Pool of
Voters
Before we begin, however, the
pool of voters must also be grouped, since they have a role in the coming
drama. The three main groups of voters are:
Rebels against the pre-Trump
status quo (2020 "change" voters).
Those comfortable with the
pre-Trump status quo ("Obama was just fine").
Trump-and-Trump-only voters
There's a certain overlap between groups one and three, but group three rules out all who might vote for any non-Trump candidate. That is, group three isn't all Trump supporters, just his most rabid ones. There could be plenty of Trump voters in the first two groups.
According to the latest Reuters/Ipsos poll, Trump's overall approval is at
39%. The percentage of Republicans, from the same poll, who think the country
is on the wrong track is 29%, with 10% not sure. That is, only 60% of
Republicans think the country is on the right track, though almost all of them
would consider voting for Trump in 2020.
So let's take a guess at the
percentage of "Trump and Trump only" voters in the electorate. The
latest Gallup poll divides the electorate this way:
That is:
Independents: 42%
Democrats: 30%
Republicans: 26%
This means that perhaps 15% of
the electorate (60% of 26%) is in group three, with the rest, or 85% of the
electorate, in the other two groups. That's a lot of people who might vote for
someone other than Trump.
Whom Will the Democratic
Nominate in the General Election?
Let's go back to our grouping
of Democratic candidates. A recent Morning Consult poll lists the leaders this
way:
I would put Bernie Sanders and
Elizabeth Warren (unless she spins herself out of this group by a terrible
misstep) in the "like-Sanders" group — real threats to the status
quo, at least on economic policy. Let's call these "actual change candidates,"
people who don't just preach change, but whom voters can count on to deliver
it.
I would put each of the
others:
Joe Biden
Kamala Harris
Beto O'Rourke
Cory Booker
Amy Klobuchar (who has no
chance at all)
Somebody Else
in the second category. Let's
call them "status quo ante" or "next Obama" candidates —
people who want to return to the pre-Trump years when they thought everything
was just fine — or at least fine enough — in America. This group may preach
"change," but it will clearly be change at the margins of a
reasonably OK system. And they will signal that either advertently or
inadvertently.
To take the case of Amy
Klobuchar, for example, she signaled that inadvertently just recently with
her student loan proposals.
For the following, let's
assume that (a) Trump is the Republican nominee and (b) all Democratic
candidates get all Democratic voters (according to the Gallup division) to vote
for them.
Case 1: If one of the Democratic
"actual change" candidates — someone who espouses broad Sanders-like
Democratic Socialist policies and is believed to be credible by the
majority of Sanders most eager supporters — is nominated by the Democrats, that
person could easily capture not just all of the Democratic voter pool, but a
very large percentage of the independent voter pool and a good chunk
of those 29% of Republicans who think the country is on the wrong path.
If that person got the 30% who
identify as Democratic, most of the "wrong track" independents, and
just some of the 29% of dissatisfied Republicans (remember that much of Trump
support came from change voters in a change year), that person could command
perhaps 56% of the electorate, if not more:
30% among self-identified
Democrats
22% or more among independents
4% among "change"
Republicans who think Trump is on the wrong track
That puts a Democratic
Socialist in the White House. Remember, the total percentage of "wrong
track" independents is 62%, or a full 26% of the electorate — assuming
they all vote.
Case 2: If one of the
"status quo" candidates is nominated, however, things look different.
A true status quo candidate will have to sell him- or herself to independent
voters using a small set of appeals. These are:
1. "The Obama status
quo is plenty good enough. Don't be scared by all this change-making."
2. "I'm really a change candidate, though my past belies that. I'm just not as change-y as those I like to call ' radicals'."
3. "I have so much charm, you don't care what I think."
2. "I'm really a change candidate, though my past belies that. I'm just not as change-y as those I like to call ' radicals'."
3. "I have so much charm, you don't care what I think."
About the latter appeal, Joe
Biden himself espoused something like that in the 1970s (quoted here): “I don’t think the issues mean a great deal in terms
of whether you win or lose,” Biden told Washingtonian back in 1974. “I think the issues
are merely a vehicle to portray your intellectual capacity to the voters . . .
a vehicle by which the voters will determine your honesty and candor.”
By "honesty and
candor" he meant "charm and charisma," since honesty he had none
of, even back then.
If he runs, Joe Biden will
sell himself as keeper of the Obama status quo, plus folksy charm. Harris,
Booker and Klobuchar (before she drops out) will each use the second appeal:
"Despite my past, I'm change-y enough." O'Rourke's primary sell is
eager charisma; none of his past looks remotely like change, despite the
inexplicable addition to his campaign organization of some of the 2016 Sanders
alums.
Where Does That Put Them in
the General Election?
Again, each will get the 30%
of the electorate that identifies as Democratic. Very few staunch Party
supporters will withhold their votes from any Democratic nominee in 2020.
Because none of them is a
credible change candidate in Republican eyes, very few Republican voters will
switch sides if any of these candidates is the Democratic nominee. That puts
26% of the voters against them.
How will independent voters
split? According to Reuters/Ipsos, 21% of independents think the country is on
the right track, with another 17% unsure. If Trump picks up all of the
"right track" independents and a little more than half of the
not-sures, his vote totals so far look like this:
26% among self-identified
Republicans
9% among "right
track" independents
5% among "not sure"
independents
With 40% of the electorate
already in his pocket, Trump has to win just 17% of the "wrong track"
independents to cross 50% of the electorate as a whole.
Again, 62% of the independent
voters in America think the country is on the wrong track. Will they vote for
Trump, a status quo Democrat, or stay home? They didn't vote for Clinton in
enough numbers to guarantee her a sure win. Will they stay home in sufficient
numbers twice?
2020 Presidential Outcomes
It comes down to this. If the
Democrats nominate a genuine change candidate, she or he will likely win
comfortably. I could easily see a 55-45% popular vote split, with an even
greater margin in the Electoral College.
If the Democrats nominate a
"status quo" or "change-y enough" candidate, on the other
hand, the race could be tight, as it was in 2016.
The key is the "wrong
track" independents. Will they vote for Trump, vote just to vote against
Trump, or stay home? Remember, shrinking the voting pool means shrinking the
number of "wrong track" independents who actually vote; many of those
lost votes will be lost by the Democrat.
To show you what I mean, if
all independents stayed home, the split between Democratic and Republican
voters is just 4%. But 9-14% of independents are likely Trump voters. If only
they vote, Trump has a 10% cushion among independents that the Democrats must
make up. Can a status quo, change-y enough, or charisma-only candidate do
inspire them to vote?
45% of all U.S. voters stayed
home in 2016, a 20-year low. While all of them weren't independents, that's
ironically the percentage of independent voters in 2018.
What Will Democrats Do?
What follows is even more
speculative than the rest of this piece, but there's some history to back it
up.
1. Unless Sanders or a
Sanders-like candidate has such a large lead that the race can't be stolen, the
"status quo" (pro-corporate) leaders of the Democratic Party, with
media help, will try to steal it.
2. If the theft is so
obvious that even NPR news watchers notice, it will drive down Democratic
support among independents, who are largely a pro-change group if they see
someone they like, and non-voters if they don't.
3. That won't matter to
Party leaders. Assuming there hasn't been a palace coup that replaces them,
they will run an even more strident version of the 2016 campaign: "Trump?!
You want to leave Trump in office?!"
(This is where "Someone
Else" comes in, by the way. If each of the other not-Sanders candidates
stumbles, Someone Else will be put forward. There are some interesting names in
this list.)
4. If a non-Sanders-like
candidate is nominated, the 2020 election will be a squeaker, as was 2016, with
the incumbent (because this time there is one) likely winning.
5. If the incumbent is
Pence, the same applies.
Of the standard-issue
Democrats, the most likely nominees at this point, and also the most vulnerable
to attack in the eyes of independents and millennials, are Joe Biden (see here for a very long list of his sins) and Kamala
Harris, the aggressive, anti-pot pot-smoking prosecutor.
Of course, something
surprising could happen between here and there — this is a way-too-early
handicapping of the race. And frankly, I hope something surprising does happen;
for example, I would love to see the palace coup I mentioned above, though I'm
not holding my breath.
The wild card seems to be the
amount of support the Sanders-like candidate gets. If that person's support is
wildly off the charts, if she or he is ahead by miles, the refs can't steal the
primary. Otherwise, it's going to be bumpy ride all the way into November.
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