These days, popular media and
political elites like to "big up" only wildly opposing alternatives.
Thus, better alternatives rarely get an airing.
When I read about the United
Kingdom's ongoing Brexit struggle, my first association is always with Stalin.
Back in the late 1920s, the Georgian was asked by a journalist which deviation
is worse, the rightist one (of Bukharin and company) or the leftist one (of
Trotsky and associates), and he snapped back: "They are both worse!"
Indeed, it's a sad sign of our
predicament that, when we are confronted with a political choice and must take
a side, even if it is only the less-bad one, quite often the reply that imposes
itself is: "But they are both bad!"
This, of course, does not mean
that both poles of the alternative simply amount to the same. In concrete
situations, we should, for example, conditionally support the protests of
Yellow Vests in France or make a tactical pact with liberals to block
fundamentalist threats to our freedoms (say, when fundamentalists want to limit
abortion rights or pursue openly racist politics).
However, what it means is that
most of the choices imposed on us by big media are false choices - their
function is to obfuscate the true option. And there is a sad lesson to be
drawn from this: if one side in a conflict is bad, the opposite side is not
necessarily good.
Sad selections
Let's take today's situation
in Venezuela: do we want Maduro or Guaido?
They are both worse, although
not in the same sense. Maduro is "worse" because his reign brought
Venezuela to a complete economic fiasco with a majority of the population
living in abject poverty, a situation which cannot be attributed only to the
sabotage of internal and external enemies.
It is enough to bear in mind
the indelible damage that the Maduro regime did to the idea of socialism: for
decades to come, we will have to listen to the variations on the theme "You
want socialism? Look at Venezuela."
However, Guaido is no less
"worse": when he assumed his virtual presidency, we were without
doubt witnessing a well-prepared coup orchestrated by United States, not an
autonomous popular insurgency (which is precisely the "better" third
term missing in the alternative of Maduro and Guaido who are "both worse").
And we should not shirk from
applying the same logic to the struggle between populists and establishment
liberals which characterizes present Western democracies. With regard to US
politics, this means that the answer to "Who is worse, Trump or Clinton
(or now Pelosi)?" our answer should also be: they are both worse!
Trump is "worse," of
course: an agent of "socialism for the rich," systematically
undermining the norms of civilized political life, dismantling the rights of
minorities and ignoring threats to our environment, among other things.
Yet, in another sense, the
democratic establishment is also "worse": we should never forget
that it was the immanent failure of the democratic establishment which opened
up the space for Trump's populism.
Thus, the first step in
defeating Trump is therefore a radical critique of the entrenched elites. Why
can Trump and other populists exploit ordinary people's fears and grievances?
Because they felt betrayed by those in power.
What does this amount to,
concretely? Among other things, it means that, obscene as this may sound, the
left should not be afraid to also learn from Trump.
Sleight of hand
How does Trump operate? Many perspicuous analysts pointed out how, while (mostly, at least) he does not violate explicit laws or rules, he exploits to the extreme the fact that all these laws and rules rely on a rich texture of unwritten rules and customs which tells us how to apply explicit laws and rules - and he brutally disregards these unwritten rules.
The latest (and, until now,
the most extreme) example of this procedure is Trump's proclamation of national
emergency. His critics were shocked at how he applied this measure, clearly
intended only for great catastrophes like a threat of war or natural disaster,
in order to build a border to protect the US territory from an invented
threat.
However, not only Democrats
were critical of this measure - some rightists were also alarmed by the fact
that Trump's proclamation sets a dangerous precedent: what if a future
leftist-Democratic president will proclaim a national emergency due to, say,
global warming?
My point is that a leftist
president should do precisely something like this, especially given global
warming effectively IS not only a national emergency. Proclaimed or not, we ARE
in an emergency state.
And this brings us back to the ongoing deadlock with Brexit. The debilitating blockade of clear political decisions in the UK, and the split that cuts across both traditionally dominant parties clearly demonstrates that both sides are worse. Neither of them seems to have a coherent political vision, instead they both mix opportunism with ideological distortions.
Brexiteers are "worse"
because of the populist-nationalist core of their reasoning, anti-Brexiteers
are "worse" because they do not really address what is deeply wrong
with the way the EU functions now.
The choice Brits are offered thus ultimately just reproduces the global conflict between the liberal establishment and populist reactions to it.
Both sides fail to address the
true task: how to construct a new Europe that would redeem what is worth
fighting for in the European emancipatory legacy. Instead they betray this
legacy, one by pushing Europe back towards nation-state politics, the other by
transforming Europe into a domain of technocratic experts. These are the two
sides of the same catastrophe.
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