Jack Delaney
PUBLISHED June 7, 2019
Imagine making cents on the
dollar to toil in a warehouse, separated from the broader society, while
repeatedly piecing together widgets or engaging in manual labor for some
multinational corporation with which you’ve never interacted. For many
Americans, the concept of making nickels and dimes for your labor in the richest
nation in human history is incomprehensible. But for the tens of thousands of
Americans making far less than minimum wage due to their disabilities, it is an
all too familiar reality.
In 1938 the Fair Labor
Standards Act (FLSA), a monumental piece of legislation, was ratified and
signed into law. Earning scorn from the business community and elitist
politicians alike, the law created the right to a minimum wage, required
overtime pay for some workers, and curtailed child labor. Yet, despite the law’s
worker-conscious stipulations, it contains an antiquated provision that is
being used by business executives today to pay subminimum wages to workers with
disabilities.
Section 214(c) of the FLSA,
which is known in disability policy circles as 14(c), allows employers that
hire people with disabilities to pay their workers a subminimum wage. Section
214(c) of the FLSA states that workers “whose earning or productive capacity is
impaired by age, physical or mental deficiency, or injury” can be paid based on
their “productivity” or on the “quality and quantity” of their labor. The
underlying assumption is that workers with disabilities are less valuable than
workers without disabilities and should thus be paid based on their
productivity to incentivize employers to hire them.
Originally, 14(c) was intended
to reduce the barriers to employment for people with disabilities, but over
time employers have taken advantage of this provision. It certainly has not
yielded equality for people with disabilities. Although some advocates say 14(c)
advances employment outcomes, people with disabilities are disproportionately
underemployed, unemployed or forced to live
in poverty compared to the rates of the general population.
A Pipeline for Cheap Labor
Currently, there are over
1,400 firms holding 14(c) certificates in the US, collectively employing
over 320,000
workers with disabilities. Certificate holders range from small operations
with a sole employee working under 14(c) to large-scale operations with several
hundred workers, and in a few cases, over a thousand. 14(c) certificate holders
are known as Community Rehabilitation Programs, or more commonly, sheltered
workshops. These organizations seek and receive contracts from large
corporations to generate products and services that fund their operations.
Sheltered workshops also
receive government funding through the AbilityOne Program, a program used to
provide federal contracts for people with disabilities, while also receiving
reimbursements from the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS).
Almost half of 14(c) certificate holders participate in the AbilityOne Program.
In other words, while sheltered workshops pay workers as little as a dollar an
hour, taxpayer dollars through CMS reimbursements and AbilityOne government
contracts are funding their operations.
At face value these
organizations seem like a harmless force in American communities, but they are
exploiting many vulnerable people. Many sheltered workshops’ workers make
extraordinarily less than the minimum wage, sometimes
even as low as 36 cents an hour. While their workers are compensated at
sweatshop rates, sheltered
workshop executives are often compensated to the tune of hundreds of
thousands of dollars a year. PRIDE Industries, a Sacramento-based sheltered
workshop, pays its CEO a salary
of $792,132, while 906 workers are employed at subminimum wages.
14(c) is being used as a
pipeline for cheap labor under the guise of “job creation” for an underserved
population. Certificate holders act as a vessel for larger corporations to
obtain inexpensive labor and form a symbiotic relationship based on revenue
generation and exploitation masquerading as philanthropy. Unjustly, in addition
to receiving little compensation, workers with disabilities are often held back
from receiving promotions or placement at jobs with competitive wages in
integrated settings.
Subminimum wages not only
unjustly impact workers with disabilities — they also have an effect on total
wages for all workers in a labor market. When labor’s costs are driven down,
the wages of all workers are decreased and businesses yield higher profits.
14(c) is not only inequitable for the workers with disabilities, but also for
the total labor force in a given market. Workers who are not categorized as
having disabilities have to compete against labor that is almost costless for a
corporation. Subminimum wages impact all workers’ wages.
Large multinational
corporations like Firestone,
Home Depot, Kohler, Kroger, Mary Kay, Raytheon, Time Warner Cable, Walmart and
Honda, are heavily invested in 14(c). They are able to secure contracts
where labor is only paid a dollar an hour. People with disabilities pay the
economic price so corporations and executives can continue amassing wealth.
Sheltered workshops that hold
14(c) certificates are segregated in nature. At a glance, businesses holding
14(c) certificates may seem philanthropic, but people with disabilities,
especially those with intellectual and developmental disabilities, have
historically been segregated from the rest of society.
The use of subminimum wages is
inherently inequitable and contradicts the very mission of the FLSA. The FLSA’s
purpose was to promote worker protections and guarantee a minimum standard for
labor. Unfortunately, workers with disabilities are excluded from that guarantee.
14(c) is paternalistic and
does not account for the skills and contributions of workers with disabilities.
Social and scientific understandings of disability have certainly progressed
since the inception of 14(c) in 1938. The disability service system in America
is not only outdated, but also is skewed toward profit-generation, rather than
community inclusion and fair compensation.
Proponents of the subminimum
wage try to frame it as a civil rights issue and claim that the provision
offers more choices to people with disabilities. Yet for many workers with
disabilities, working for subminimum wages is not a choice. Because for-profit
corporations only see people with disabilities as profitable when working for
subminimum wages, 14(c) employment is often their only option for work.
The champions of the
subminimum wage also argue that sheltered workshops and their executives do not
have enough funds to pay their workers a decent wage and remain competitive,
yet the sheltered workshop industry employs dozens of D.C. and state lobbyists
to peddle influence in favor of this very issue.
Subminimum wage advocates also
argue that 14(c) is used as a training program to get people with disabilities
into the workforce. Yet a National Council on Disability report, citing an
audit by the Government
Accountability Office, found that less than 5 percent of 14(c) workers
ever transitioned to a job found in the broader community or earned competitive
wages.
No other classification or
grouping of labor in the US is paid based on employees’ productivity or at a
wage significantly lower than the minimum wage. Subminimum wages are a
violation of the civil rights of people with disabilities. They amount to
government-endorsed and corporate-sponsored discrimination.
Challenging Workplace
Exploitation of People With Disabilities
The FLSA has been amended over
20 times since its ratification in the late 1930s, and yet 14(c) remains
unaltered. Is a change coming? It’s possible: Advocates and organizers with
disabilities are leading the way in challenging these harmful practices.
Disability rights organizations and self-advocates (activists with
disabilities) are pursuing
litigation against corporations that are profiting off of overtly
exploited labor. Cutting off the pipeline of cheap labor that allows
multinationals to reap exuberant profits is an effective strategy and has the
apologists for subminimum wages on their heels.
However, advocates and
disability rights organizations should not be solely responsible for
confronting these unjust labor practices. An enormous responsibility also lies
with legislators, regulators, and the public.
Policymakers must ensure that
people with disabilities are not segregated and economically marginalized,
while also ensuring disability services are appropriately funded. To promote
fair wages and community integration, lawmakers must work to eliminate 14(c).
Solutions that reduce economic
disparities and eliminate exploitation and segregation for workers with
disabilities are long overdue. The public and members of Congress must support
the Raise
the Wage Act and the Transition
to Competitive Employment Act, both of which would phase out subminimum
wages over time and are meaningful steps in the moral direction. Policymakers
and the public must also be aware that the euphemistically titled Workplace
Choice and Flexibility for Individuals with Disabilities Act, or H.R.
5658, would promote state agency referrals to many 14(c) certificate
holders that participate in the AbilityOne Program and continue to place people
with disabilities in organizations that use 14(c) certificates. The holders of
14(c) certificates should not be allowed to receive government contracts while
they pay out subminimum wages. H.R. 5658 has not yet been reintroduced in this
Congress, but it is expected to make a return later this congressional session.
Another responsibility lies
with employers: 14(c) certificate holders must discontinue the practice of
subminimum wages. A vast majority of these organizations, funded by wealthy
donors, taxpayers, and corporate contracts, certainly possess the funds to pay
their workers with disabilities a respectable wage. For those that don’t, CEOs
and executive staff should take a pay cut to promote the fulfillment and
dignity for all of their workers, especially those with disabilities. The large
for-profit corporations that fund 14(c) contracts must also discontinue the
practice and work to include people with disabilities at fair wages and full
employment.
The era of certificate holders
and for-profit corporations benefiting from federally endorsed discrimination
and poverty wages is rightfully coming to a head, and the capabilities of
workers with disabilities are being realized. All working people must strive
for a system that fully integrates workers with disabilities and workers
without disabilities, with both receiving more equitable wages and benefits.
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