Labor union approval is now
higher than at nearly any point in the last 50 years. The reasons: shit pay,
teacher strikes, and Bernie Sanders.
This Labor Day, we have cause
to celebrate. Public support for unions has reached 64 percent in a recent
Gallup poll.
Gallup has been asking the
public about support for unions since 1936. Since 1967, the polling
agency observes,
the union approval rating “has only occasionally surpassed 60 percent. The
current 64 percent reading is one of the highest union approval ratings Gallup
has recorded over the past fifty years.”
To make sense of this trend,
we need to take three factors into account: wage stagnation and benefits
erosion, the teachers’ strike wave, and the rise of Bernie Sanders.
The first factor — substandard
wages and benefits — only makes sense when you consider it alongside the other
two. Wages are increasingly
insufficient to cover skyrocketing living costs, and employers
continue to slash benefits to increase profits, making life harder for working
people. This is an obvious source of frustration with the status quo, a basic
factor that causes working people to turn to collective action in the form of
unions.
But worsening conditions don’t
automatically juice unions’ approval rating, and they certainly don’t lead
directly to increased union membership. On the contrary, wages have been
stagnating since the seventies, and since then the union approval rating
and union
density itself have gone down, not up. Neoliberalism has been ascendant since
the mid-seventies, and in that time its footsoldiers have been able to both
wring more productivity and profit out of workers without sharing and
also convince many workers that it’s the unions who are greedy.
So eroded conditions alone are
not responsible for the uptick in the union approval rating. People don’t
automatically warm to unions just because their employers are treating them
poorly. They have to be presented with a credible alternative.
Enter the teachers’ strike
wave, which started in 2018. The strikes in West
Virginia, Oklahoma, Arizona, California, Washington, and
several other states put unions in the news, making them visible and relevant
to large segments of the population for the first time in decades. And
importantly, by “bargaining
for the common good” — or connecting their demands to the wellbeing of
communities as a whole — the strikes were successful at impressing on
people that what’s good for unions and workers is also good for students,
parents, and the entire public.
But there’s still a missing
piece of the puzzle. When the Chicago teachers went on strike in 2012, for
example, the mainstream media gave them a chilly
reception. This owes to the tenor of the broader conversation about public
schools and unions, shaped by privatizers and union-busters in the education
reform movement. For example, in 2008 Time Magazine published an
issue with a photo of union-buster Michelle Rhee on the
cover, hyping her heroic “battle against bad teachers.” And in 2014 the cover of Time read,
“Rotten Apples: It’s nearly impossible to fire a bad teacher. Some tech
millionaires have found a way to change that.” The story talked about the “war
on teacher tenure” like that was a good thing.
Suddenly, it seemed, teachers
and teachers’ unions were no longer considered the problem with public
education. In fact, empowering them could be the solution.
What changed between 2014 and
2018? We’d be remiss if we ignored the fact that right in the middle of that
period, the most
pro-union presidential candidate in Democratic Party history ran for
president. Bernie Sanders used the massive platform the race guaranteed him to
criticize inequality and extol the virtues of unions and collective worker
action. Even after he lost the primary, he spent the next several years
spreading the same pro-worker, pro-union message, including elevating unions’
demands and materially
assisting them in their fights against the boss.
Sanders has pulled American
politics to the Left and created a much more pro-worker political climate on
the whole. It was in this new climate that the teachers began to strike — as
Eric Blanc points out in his book Red State Revolt,
teachers in West Virginia and across the country were emboldened to take action
by the unexpected success of Sanders’ message. And it was in this new climate
that their strikes were greeted favorably by both the press and the public.
There are no guarantees that
this spike in the union approval rating is permanent. But in anatomizing the
bump, we can see what kind of work needs to be done to turn the trend into
something more lasting.
Unions should continue to make
themselves visible to the broader public through strikes and seek to
foreground class-wide demands that benefit entire communities. Socialists
should continue to use electoral politics to agitate against corporations and
on behalf of workers and unions, on as big a stage as possible. If enough
effort is put into these projects, it’s conceivable that this spike will only
mark the beginning of a labor movement resurgence, creating a populace vastly
more friendly to unions — and ultimately more likely to join them.
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