Even US President Donald
Trump, who is getting ready to pardon war criminals, fears John Bolton. Trump
had hesitated to give Bolton a seat in his administration (initially because of
Trump’s distaste for Bolton’s bushy mustache). Bolton and General H R McMaster
were both in line to become national security adviser (NSA). Trump went with
McMaster, who lasted a year, after which Bolton, called “The Mustache” by
Trump, slipped into this post.
The NSA is the main adviser to
the US president on foreign policy, often more important than the secretary of
state. Bolton has Trump’s ear. Trump, mercurial in his policymaking, therefore,
has the world’s
most dangerous man whispering at him.
As his trigger finger
tightened with Iran in the gunsights, Trump said of Bolton, “If it was up to
John, we’d be in four wars now.” Bolton is on record saying that he would like
to turn the immense force of the US military against Cuba, Iran, North Korea and
Venezuela. These are likely the “four wars” that Trump mentioned. These would
be additional wars, for the United States remains actively at war in
Afghanistan as well as in Iraq and Syria. The United States currently operates
more than 100 military bases, many of them in active operations, around the
world.
The normal aggressiveness of
the US military force does not satisfy Bolton; he wants the United States to
deepen its aggressiveness.
Contentious and intemperate
Bolton is much like the
typical war hawk. Such people want to send others to war. They don’t want to go
to war themselves. Bolton smartly went into the National Guard in 1970. In a
Yale reunion book, he wrote, “I confess I had no desire to die in a Southeast
Asian rice paddy. I considered the war in Vietnam already lost.” When Bolton
made this personal decision, his heroes Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger began
their illegal and barbaric bombing of Cambodia and Laos. Between Bolton’s
decision not to go to Vietnam and the US retreat from Saigon, 3,304 US soldiers
died as well as uncounted numbers of Vietnamese, Cambodian and Laotian people.
In government for most of his
life, Bolton worked hard against the good side of history. A key part of
Bolton’s work was to help the cover-up of the Ronald Reagan administration’s
role in supporting the Contras and in the Iran-Contra affair.
After the left-wing
Sandinistas came to power in Nicaragua in 1979, first the Jimmy Carter and then
the Reagan administration assisted the military and the oligarchy to form La
Contrarrevolución (the Counter-Revolution) or the Contras. Trained by the
United States, the Contras used the most brutal methods against ordinary people
to undermine the Sandinista government.
When the US Congress – pushed
by public opinion – stopped overt US funding for the Contras, the Reagan
administration illegally sold arms to Iran, whose profits went to fund the
Contras. This was the Iran-Contra scandal.
Bolton fought to block
then-senator John Kerry’s attempts to investigate drug-smuggling and gun-running
by the Contras in Nicaragua. He refused to allow documents on the Iran-Contra
affair to be turned over to congressman Peter Rodino. Bolton did the heavy work
for the administration, which nonetheless found his language to be often
“contentious and intemperate,” as White House spokesman Marlin Fitzwater said
in 1987.
Bolton’s hammer
Intemperateness is the mood of
Bolton. In 1994, he said of the UN Secretariat building in New York that if it
“lost 10 stories, it wouldn’t make a bit of difference.” Chilling words. Bolton
lived them. He spent years trying to undermine any decent arms control treaty
in the United Nations framework and he spent years trying to shield the United
States from any international accountability. In 2000, Bolton ridiculed the
“Church of Arms Control” – the phrase a clear indication of his attitude to
peace, one shared with large sections of the US ruling class.
It was Bolton who pushed the
George W Bush administration in 2001 to walk away from the Anti-Ballistic
Missile Treaty of 1972, an act that sent belligerent signals to Moscow. It was
Bolton again who egged Bush in 2003 on to smash the Agreed Framework of 1994
between the United States and North Korea. When US intelligence – whose
credibility was damaged by the Iraq materials – said that North Korea had begun
to enrich uranium, there was to be no further dialogue. Bolton later wrote,
“This was the hammer I had been looking for to shatter the Agreed Framework.”
It was Bolton once more who
urged Trump to depart from the Iran nuclear deal, and most chillingly it was
Bolton who killed the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty of 1988.
Bolton’s record is clear. But
so are his words, not only his speeches, but also his deeply informative
book Surrender Is Not an Option (2008). The contours of Bolton’s
vision are clear in both the acts and in the words. The fulcrum of his thinking
is this: that US power must be unchecked, and it must be used to ensure the
perpetuity of US domination. There will be no surrender to any multipolarity or
to bipolarity (China and the United States). US domination is absolute and
should be permanent.
Few US elected officials have
the guts to disagree with this disagreeable worldview. They salute the flag and
send the bombers to spread the Stars and Stripes across the globe.
What are the hindrances for
this permanent and absolute US dominion?
The United Nations, and any
international treaty or body, should not be allowed to interfere with US actions.
The UN must be “reformed,” says the US regime, which means that the UN should
be brought to the heel of the White House.
The European Union, which
pretends to be superior to the United States, must not be allowed its “endless
process of diplomatic mastication,” wrote Bolton in his book. It must be
silenced.
The substantial adversaries of
the United States – Russia and China – must be cut down, their vulnerabilities
used against them. Sanctions are an effective tool here, since to go to war
with them would be, even for Bolton, suicidal. Overthrow of the main allies of
Russia and China – places such as Venezuela and Iran – would further weaken
these aspirant states.
Regime change against
countries such as Venezuela and Iran, as well as Cuba and North Korea, would
not only weaken Russia and China but it would also send a strong message that
no one should ever defy the United States.
Bolton has a coherent
worldview. His hawkish peers – both Republicans and Democrats – don’t have his
nerve. They’ll back this regime-change war (Venezuela) or that (Iran). They
will do so pretending that they are being pragmatic and are responding to
“intelligence.”
But none of these wars of
aggression, whether against Iraq or Iran, Afghanistan or Venezuela, are merely
driven by pragmatism. Bolton lays out the full agenda. He is more a mainstream
US intellectual than the mainstream would like to admit. The US mainstream is
Bolton with manners. Their normalcy is merely Bolton’s philosophy in bits and
pieces.
This article was produced by Globetrotter, a
project of the Independent Media Institute, which provided it to Asia Times.
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