https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FWJvaILpBQ8
SHARMINI PERIES: It’s The
Real News Network. I’m Sharmini Peries, coming to you from Baltimore.
After withdrawing from the
Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, commonly known as the Iran nuclear deal,
the Trump administration has vowed to escalate sanctions against Iran,
disregarding Iran’s cooperation with the deal. It is important to also remind ourselves
that there are other parties to the agreement here, the Five Plus One, which
includes China, France, Germany, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United
States, as well as the European Union and Iran. It is only just a short time
ago on July 14, 2015 that this agreement was signed. It is an agreement to
ensure that Iran’s nuclear program will be exclusively peaceful.
And yet the U.S. has
unilaterally withdrawn from this agreement, even though most everyone involved
who are party to the agreement has stated that Iran is in compliance. So why is
the U.S. taking this unilateral and aggressive move to once again impose
sanctions on Iran? Further, U.S. and Israel are openly calling for regime
change in Iran, adding fuel to the fire. Some speculate this is economic
warfare to isolate Iran, to create a blockade on Iran’s economy through not
only direct U.S. sanctions, but also secondary sanctions, and to strangle
Iran’s economy and propel it into chaos to create a crisis so deep that it can
be intervened on, and also where war might become necessary. And so this is all
creating a huge controversy, not only between Iran and the U.S., but in the
entire region.
Now, today we’re going to take
up and take a closer look at how the U.S.’s withdrawal from the JCOPA and
threats of further sanctions against Iran is affecting Iran’s domestic economy.
The mere fear of more sanctions has caused a rapid devaluation of the Iranian
currency, the riyal. It has lost over 50 percent of its value in just a few
months. Now, although the riyal is pegged to the U.S. dollar, actual U.S.
dollars are traded in the black market for twice the value in Iran. Now, major
importers of Iranian oil who are also U.S. allies like Japan and South Korea,
and of course as well as China, but China might be able to withstand these
kinds of sanctions that other countries aren’t able to do. Even on Thursday,
just this week, the spokesperson of the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs,
Hua Chinying, sharply criticized the unilateral U.S. sanctions. Let’s listen.
HUA CHINYING: There is
still a long way to go in terms of safeguarding and implementing the Iranian
nuclear deal. China will continue making efforts to safeguard the results of
multilateralism. China will never accept any unilateral sanctions that are not
based on international laws, and will firmly uphold its own legitimate rights
and interests.
SHARMINI PERIES: Now,
meanwhile, domestically, protests have erupted in all parts of Iran since
January over the soaring prices of imported goods, levels of poverty and
inequality. Now, the domestic economic situation can be largely attributed to
the sanctions and the falling of the riyal, but also to the economic policies
of the government that favors the ruling elite over the people. And not only
the ruling elite, the agencies within the government as well, like the Iranian
Revolutionary Guard.
On to talk about all of this
with me, I’m being joined by Dr. Ali Fathollah-Nejad. He’s an independent
scholar based in Doha and Berlin, with a focus on Iran, West Asia, and North
Africa. He’s a visiting fellow at the Brookings Doha Center. Ali, good to have
you back on The Real News.
ALI FATHOLLAH-NEJAD: Thank
you for having me.
SHARMINI PERIES: All
right. Ali, let’s start with discussing why U.S.’s withdrawal and threats of
more sanctions are having such a profound impact on the domestic economy in
Iran.
ALI FATHOLLAH-NEJAD: The
Trump administration’s decision to unilaterally withdraw from the Iran nuclear
deal, as you have alluded to, has of course deepened the economic crisis in
Iran, but this economic crisis preceded this decision. But when it comes to the
immediate impact, of course there are a lot of companies, Europeans and,
European and others, will because of this threat of the reimposition of U.S.
secondary sanctions, where those companies can be punished for continuing any
kind of Iran-related trade, have stopped their Iran business ties, commercial
ties. So that also, you know, the prospect of further investments in the
Iranian economy has now been shelved.
So of course, so this decision
of the reimposition of U.S. sanctions will have quite a profound impact on the
future trajectory of the Iranian economy. There is, there will be, basically,
Iran will not be able to export oil from November onwards, because it’s
according to a timeline set by Washington. So all this is important, and has,
as I said, helps exacerbate the economic and financial crisis. But the economic
problems of Iran do not have only, do not only have a relation with the United
States. Because what’s basically the problem in the Islamic Republic of Iran is
that we have a monopolization of economic and political power at the hands of
the very same elite groups. And when it comes to the economy, you have a
parallel structure. You have a shadow economy that is basically outside of much
of the influence of the government. So the government, despite its problematic
economic policies, cannot do really much about it.
The bulk of the Iranian
economy is in the hands of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, which is
basically the most powerful military force in Iran. But that actually has an
economic empire. There is a huge social, political, and economic conglomerate
that is in control of basically the majority of the Iranian economy. In
addition to that, you have the so-called religious foundations that are
basically economic empires that are exempted from tax, from paying taxes. Plus
other semi-state and state entities that are in control of much of the
country’s GDP. So you do have the domination of those semi-state and state
entities, and you have a very marginalized private sector that is very weak and
almost nonexistent. And because of that, you have the combination of
mismanagement, corruption. And this is, those are the structural problems that
have faced the Iranian economy even before Trump.
And so this is, so those
structural deficiencies have been there, and because of sanctions they get
exacerbated. Because what sanctions actually do, in a nutshell, is that they
illegalize legal trade. As we’ve seen during the crippling sanctions regime era
during the Bush and Obama administrations is that these same entities, the
Revolutionary Guards and others, the semi-state and state entities, have been
able to benefit from the imposition of sanctions because they could monopolize
many imports, and thus extend their political, economic power over other
sectors of the economy.
So at the end of the day,
despite, you know, rhetoric to the contrary by many Western politicians as to
the real effects of sanctions being imposed, not society is basically
emboldened, but the authoritarian elements within that system, so that back
then in that era of the crippling sanctions, we’ve seen the extension of the
power gap between the authoritarian state, on one hand, and civil society on
the other. You know, on a societal level it is also quite important because,
you know, for many, political activism will become more difficult because they
have to strive for just surviving. But it doesn’t mean that political activism
has stopped, as we’ve seen from, you know, during the past months after the
rebellion that has shaken Iran at the turn of the year. We’ve seen the
continuation of protests, despite this deteriorating economic situation. So it
doesn’t mean that the imposition of sanctions and these kind of hawkish
policies from Washington will necessarily produce and generate a rallying
around the flag effect in Iran.
People are, basically, very
upset about the performance of their state. This is their main target of
criticism; not so much any foreign power that might be, might be pursuing
counterproductive policies with no doubt. But the blame is mostly put, also as
in other countries as well, at their own government.
SHARMINI PERIES: So then,
Ali, it’s not just the U.S. withdrawal from the agreement, but also the
secondary sanctions that is affecting companies that work in Iran, but based in
France, and Germany, and other European nations who do business with Iran. And
these secondary sanctions are having a profound effect as well.
ALI FATHOLLAH-NEJAD: So
basically we see the same dynamic that we witnessed during the crippling
sanctions era, which is to be understood against the backdrop that the United
States has dominance over the international financial system, because of the
U.S. dollar being the world’s currency. This puts a lot of pressure on any
other countries. And this, you know, shows the effectiveness of U.S. secondary
sanctions.
So basically what is happening
is that when the U.S. imposes secondary sanctions, companies in Germany and
elsewhere who also do a lot of trade with the United States, who export a lot
of their goods to the U.S. and therefore are, you know, dependent on having
this kind of access to the U.S. marketplace, will have to decide whether it is
more smart for them to continue their Iran business or the U.S. business. And
since if you look at the figures you cannot really compare the two, although
Iran has been hailed as an economic bonanza after the fall of the Soviet Union,
a huge market of 80 million people with huge potential for also consumer goods
and industry and so forth, these companies in most cases will decide to stop
their Iran business in order not to endanger their U.S. business, and not to be
punished by the U.S. Treasury.
And so this is there the
reality of the economic world. And this is why we’ve seen also a lot of German
companies and other European companies announcing that they will slowly but
surely retreat from their Iran business. So this is, so this is an independent
dynamic from the political arena. In the political arena we see that there are
European state leaders of states who have repeatedly as, for example, recently
at the JCPOA meeting in Vienna pledged to continue Iran business. So whatever
politicians might say on this regard, that despite the pressure from the United
States they want to keep ongoing doing business with Iran, this is of no great
relevancy to the economic operations on the ground, because you know, companies
will decide on their own, according to the logic that I have said before.
So the reality is that we will
see a decline of European-Iranian business on one side. On the other side, when
it comes to the export of Iranian oil, we’ll see on one hand that Iran will
resort to the same kind of tactics that it had during the crippling sanctions
era. That is, it might offer a reduction of its oil purchases by others; for
example, to India. You know, Iran exports the bulk, the majority, the great
majority of its oil exports to Eastern Asia and other Asian states. But for example,
the South Koreans, who are also a top buyer of Iranian oil, have already now
stopped purchasing Iranian oil while seeking waivers from the U.S. Treasury.
But this is, you know, uncertain if the Treasury will give them this kind of
exemption from the sanctions. China is quite independent from the United
States, so China can basically continue, you know, doing business with Iran.
And nevertheless, as a whole it is also quite bad for the Iranian economy.
Because the sanctions, in practice or in theory, offer the kind of legitimacy
to those buyers of Iranian oil to exchange their imports of oil with goods that
they can, they can export to Iran. And in the Chinese case this has been, you
know, quite cheap Chinese products that were flooding the Iranian market, and
therefore also destroying domestic production in Iran.
So those are the various
effects of sanctions. So that, geopolitically and economically speaking, the
reimposition of U.S. sanctions will push Iran into more authoritarian waters
when it comes to its alliances. So it will be pushed more towards Russia and
China. And if you look at those two powers’ kind of political relations in
Iran, they’re much closer to the hardline elements than to the moderate ones.
So those sanctions have very bad effects on the Iranian economy, on the
development of the political economy of the country, and also on the, on the
politics of the country, because in all cases the more hardline elements will
benefit.
SHARMINI PERIES: All
right, Ali, let’s take a break here and flow into Segment 2, where we will take
up more discussion about the domestic economic situation. Of course, the impact
that the reimposition of the sanctions will have on the domestic economy. So I
thank you for joining me for now, and please stay tuned for Part Two.
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