Some attack them and others
guard them. Yet if Ukrainians looked at Yugoslavia, they'd see neither Russia
nor the EU is the way forward
Srećko Horvat
Sunday 16 March 2014
A spectre is haunting Europe – the spectre
of Lenin.
Back in 2011 Ukraine was
preparing to host Euro 2012. The government decided to release a promotional
video titled Switch On Ukraine. Among the sites shown in the video was Liberty
Square in the north-eastern city of Kharkiv. But something was missing. When
the sun rose over the square, instead of an 8.5 metre-high statue of Lenin
there was only an empty plinth. Someone had digitally erased the politically problematic icon.
In 2013 another statue of Lenin, this time in Kiev's central plaza –
once known as October Revolution Square and now known as Euromaidan – was
smashed by angry protesters using sledgehammers. Many have correctly identified
this as the key point in Ukraine's political crisis. According to one estimate,
of the nearly 1,500 Lenin memorials across Ukraine, protesters have destroyed around 100 of them, from Poltava to
Chernihiv, from Zhytomyr to Khmelnytskyi.
This is nothing new of course.
During the very beginning of the violent dissolution of Yugoslavia, I remember
vividly how communist and anti-fascist monuments were torn down by nationalists
who believed that democracy had finally arrived. Some urinated on them, others
blew them up. In the period from 1990 to 2000 at least 3,000 monuments were
torn down in Croatia
alone.
Is the monument mayhem in
Ukraine any different? It is: last week, residents of Kharkiv – the same town
where the symbolic erasure of Lenin started in 2011 – installed barricades
around the statue of Lenin after fending off an attack by Euromaidan revolutionaries. Even if
the protesters weren't defending the image of Lenin so much as exhibiting their
attachment to Putin this is a remarkable state of affairs.
To return to the former Yugoslavia
for the moment: according to the last statistics from the World Bank, the unemployment rate among young people in Bosnia and Herzegovina is
57.9%. This ex-Yugoslav state is not yet part of the European Union, but is
already approaching Greece's 60% rate. The newest member of the EU,
neighbouring Croatia, is third in the union when it comes to youth
unemployment, at 52%.
So this is what we got by
getting rid of communism and entering the EU. Croatia and Slovenia are part of
the EU, but according to the latest news, Russia's Rosneft hopes to take over Croatian oil and gas firm INA
along with its Slovenian counterpart Petrol. In another ex-Yugoslav state,
Serbia, Gazprom is already present and holds 56% shares of the Petroleum
Industry of Serbia.
Here, an insight from Hegel's
Philosophy of History might be useful. He said that "by repetition that
which at first appeared merely a matter of chance and contingency becomes a
real and ratified existence". What Hegel teaches us is the following: the
first act of "erasing" Lenin in Kharkiv, in 2011, wasn't a matter of
chance but an indication of thing to come – the real demolition of Kiev's Lenin
in 2013. Similarly, the total failure of the "transition" of ex-Yugoslav
states from communism to the "democratic" EU might well prefigure the
real failure of Ukraine's "transition".
The current fight in Ukraine is not only a
fight over closer ties with Russia or the EU. It's – even if the protesters
don't realise it – a fight over Lenin's heritage.
Some 75 years ago, Leon
Trotsky described the situation as though he was writing about today's deadlock:
"Ukraine is in a state of confusion: where to turn? What to demand? This
situation naturally shifts the leadership to the most reactionary Ukrainian
cliques who express their 'nationalism' by seeking to sell the Ukrainian people
to one imperialism or another in return for a promise of fictitious
independence."
So what was his answer? A
united, free and independent worker's and peasants's Ukraine.
It is for this reason the
spectre of Lenin is still haunting Europe: the fallen statues all around Ukraine
don't symbolise merely Putin's Russia or the failed project of communism. They
demonstrate, through correspondences with fallen statues elsewhere, that
neither Russia nor the
EU can be the answer.
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