As I stood in a park amid
dead-serious Bernie Sanders volunteers on a recent Saturday afternoon, it
occurred to me that the media is missing the real story of his campaign for the
Democratic presidential nomination.
There was an upbeat
determination—instead of the pessimism reflected in news stories and
analyses—at this Sanders rally, in Pan Pacific Park in Los Angeles’ Fairfax
district. Basketball was being played at nearby courts, but the Sanders
supporters weren’t there for recreation.
Sanders’ double-digit victory
in the
Wisconsin primary Tuesday showed that his contest with Hillary Clinton is
far from over. Still, he trails in national polls and is well behind Clinton in
the race for national convention delegates, and the mass media gives him little
chance of winning. Take, for example, the New York Times story that more than
15 Sanders associates told reporters he fouled up by not starting out with an aggressive campaign against Clinton. “By the time he caught
fire with voters this winter and personally began to believe he could defeat
Mrs. Clinton, she was already on her way to building an all but insurmountable
delegate lead,” the Times said. The USC Dornsife/Los Angeles Times poll had Clinton leading in
California 45 percent to 37 percent as of late March.
The 200 or more people at the
Pan Pacific Park rally didn’t seem to consider the lead insurmountable. Rather,
they threw themselves into the complicated process of picking Sanders’
delegates. The California’s June 7 primary will decide how many Sanders and
Clinton delegates go to the Democratic convention in July. Most of the state’s
548 Democratic delegates will be selected in contests in each of the 53
congressional districts, with 105 at-large delegates going to the candidate who
wins the entire state. The rest are well-known politicians favoring either
Sanders or Clinton—most of them for Clinton, the establishment favorite.
“An intentionally mysterious
process” is how Nathan Fisher, who was instructing the rallygoers on how to
participate in the congressional district voting, put it. Fisher is a candidate
to be a Sanders delegate in one of the districts, and he’ll have to round up
enough friends, relatives and other supporters to be elected.
“Every congressional district
must have a full slate of Bernie supporters,” Fisher emphasized. What is
important, he added, is to elect delegates who will hit the convention floor
“very strong for Sanders.” And he told the group that only registered Democrats
can vote. He noted that some Sanders supporters couldn’t stand the Democratic
Party. “I know for some people this is a bridge too far, but they register as a
Democrat,” he stated.
This process is being repeated
throughout the nation for Democrats and Republicans, following rules so complicated—and
generally so rigged against outsiders and newcomers—that only experts can
understand them. At this stage of the game, the most valuable players are those
who understand the twists and turns. If Sanders manages to deny Clinton enough
delegates on the first ballot, a contested convention would be thrust into a
delegate-by-delegate fight, and victory would go to the smartest, toughest and
best organized. That is why Fisher’s presentation was so important.
Joining the volunteers at the
park were three organizers just sent to California by Sanders’ national
headquarters, joining up with the local volunteers. The volunteers have been
working hard, since last year, and don’t want to be ignored by the paid
newcomers.
Megan Harris, in charge of
Sanders’ Southern California campaign, seemed aware of their concerns. “You
folks have already done a ton of work,” she told them. “We’re not going to take
over. We’ll work with you and bring you into the national umbrella” and aim for
registering 200,000 more Democrats in California.
She and her co-workers, she
said, are traveling light, bringing their sleeping bags and looking for
volunteers to put them up. “We don’t want to spend all the money on hotel
rooms,” she said.
I talked to Montgomery
Markland, one of the main organizers of the rally. Markland, who produces video
games and movies, was an aide in the Texas Legislature and ran campaigns in
that state. “Right now, we are dealing with the problem of getting people to
work together,” he said. He was confident that would happen. In the end, he
said, Sanders “will be relying on the largest grass-roots organization in
history and also the best trained.”
There may have been bigger
grass-roots organizations in history, but he’s got a point about the training.
I’ve been following these folks for several months and have seen some of them
evolve from computer-wary to proficient, tech-oriented workers who can make
targeted phone calls from lists sent digitally from campaign headquarters in
Vermont.
Such efforts are why the
obituaries being written about the Sanders campaign are so premature.
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