Wednesday, April 17, 2019

Shall now all eroticism be disenchanted? In what kind of boring times do we live?
















Feminists want to liberate the female body from the stigmata of patriarchy: The vulva is also to be reconquered. The methods for this liberation struggle are unsexy on several levels.



Slavoj Žižek14.3.2019, 05:30 clock






The fight against genuine (and alleged) sexism has long been at a standstill. Feminists meanwhile demand that we should stop fetishizing the female breast. Ironically she! Instead, one should consider the breast as a normal part of the female body. For this fight of liberated nipples, women in larger cities even take part in protest marches. The goal here is obviously the Ent-Erotisierung, yes the re-normalization of the female body.
If we continue this logic of thinking, we come to a new demand: The sexual object is to be demystified in itself. This can be seen on the books of Laura Dodsworth: After the photographer had published two works with portraits of penises and breasts, she photographed now in her new book 100 Vulvas. "The vulva is often associated with sexual activity," says Dodsworth, "and we've talked about so many areas that are rather unsexy: menstrual cycles, menopause, infertility, miscarriages, abortions, pregnancy, birth, cancer."
The mysterious object
Soon "Vagina: A Re-education" will be published, a book by British author Lynn Enrights. Liv Strömquist's bestselling "Fruit of Knowledge" (subtitle: "Vulva vs. Patriarchy and with stabs at Freud") deals with the vulva and menstruation. There is a British musical called "Vulvarine". Live events in which the body is recaptured are enjoying great popularity, from "body-positivity" courses in life drawing to "pussy exploration workshops".
Is this really a progress? If so, then we should consistently finish this idea and also demystify and defecate excrement. Some of us may still remember the scene from Buñuel's "Le fantôme de la liberté", in which the functions of eating and leaving are reversed: people sit around a table in their toilets, conversing nicely and eating something They ask quietly and shame the housekeeper: "Where is the dining room?"
The argument behind this phenomenon is clear: The male fetishization of the vagina as the ultimate mysterious object of (male) desire must be overcome. Instead, the vulva for women is to be reconquered, in all the complexity that is free from sexist myths.
Banal needs
What's wrong with that? Let's go back to Buñuel: There are a number of films dealing with the same motive, in Buñuel's own words: "the inexplicable impossibility of satisfying a simple need". For example, in "L'Age d'or" a couple wants to have sex, which is repeatedly prevented by nonsensical accidents; In "Ensayo de un crimen" the hero wants to commit a murder, but all attempts fail; in "El ángel exterminador" a group of young rich people fails to break the threshold after a party to leave the house; Finally, in Cet obscur objet du désir, the paradoxical behavior of a woman is shown, who, through various tricks, repeatedly shifts the joyous reunion with her old love.
What is common to all these films? It is impossible to carry out a simple everyday action when the action occupies the impossible place of the (exalted) "thing" and thus begins to embody the sublime object of desire. But as soon as the object occupies the forbidden, empty space of the other, a whole heap of insurmountable hurdles arises. The thing remains unattainable.
Loss of eroticism
Here we should recall Jacques Lacan's definition of sublimation: "An object is raised to the dignity of the thing". An ordinary thing or action suddenly appears in a sort of short circuit as the appearance of the impossible real thing. Therefore - in reverse - in the intense erotic game, one wrong word, one false gesture, is enough to trigger a violent desublimation. We fall from one moment to the other from the erotic tension into vulgar copulation.
Imagine that one, driven by erotic passion, takes a close look at the beloved woman's vagina, trembling, as the pleasure comes in as expected. But then something happens: as if one had lost contact with her, one falls out of erotic pleasure, and the flesh before the eyes suddenly appears in all its vulgar reality, with the smell of urine and sweat (you can feel the same Also present scene with a penis). So what happens here?
The vagina ceases to be an object "raised to the dignity of the thing," and becomes part of the ordinary reality again. In this precise sense, sublimation is not the opposite of sexualization but the same.
Repressive desublimation
Even in the erotic it is therefore only a small step between the sublime and the ridiculous. The sexual and the comic act are mutually exclusive. The sexual act represents intimate employment par excellence, a situation in which the participant can never take on the attitude of the ironic, external observer. And for that reason, the sexual act may seem ridiculous even to those who are not directly involved in it. The comical effect comes from the discrepancy between the intensity of the act and the indifferent calm of everyday life.
This brings us back to the attempts to "demystify" the vulva. To use an old adage, those who do this do not realize that they are dumping the baby in the bath. The attack of the feminists on the idea of ​​the vagina as a fetishized object of male desire is thus also an attack on the basic structure of sublimation, without which the erotic would not exist - what would then remain would be a boring ordinary world in which no more erotic tension existed between people. The "fetishized" organs would then give the feminists what they are: body organs.
The moment when we recognize the arbitrary nature of sublimation (any simple object can be lifted to the level of the impossible thing) also makes it clear that sexual sublimation can be easily liberated from the alleged patriarchal mystification. But what we get instead of this new sphere of eroticism is a version of what Adorno and Horkheimer - the two masters of Marxism at the Frankfurt School - called "repressive de-sublimation": the result is not a new freedom, but the gray one Reality in which sex is completely suppressed. Is that what we want?



Translated by Judith Basad.

















Slavoj Žižek, the inconvenient truth












He writes book after book with capitalist work ethos. And he's constantly messing with his own left community. Now, the man who looks so peaceful with his beard, 70 years old. A tribute to the anarcho-Marxist Slavoj Žižek!


René Scheu

21.3.2019, 05:30 clock







[TRANSLATED BY A STUPID COMPUTER]


Is Slavoj Žižek, who is considered by some to be the most dangerous philosopher of the West, actually a staunch communist, as he claims? Let's ask Radio Yerevan, the fake broadcaster, who answered fictional questions of listeners under the Communist Soviet regime.

Here comes the answer: In principle yes, but of course Žižek condemns the atrocities of Lenin and Stalin at every opportunity. Communism is for him something that is yet to come. And nobody knows better than Žižek that Marx harbored great sympathy for capitalism. In it he recognized the innovation-driven prosperity machinery, which makes the coming proletarian revolution possible in the first place. In short, Žižek is of course a tough Communist, because only the Communist can appreciate capitalism in all its glory.

Is Žižek a crypto-capitalist? That would be too high a poker, even if his work ethic certainly reminds of the ambitions of the most blatant capitalists. But he undoubtedly loves working off the contradictions of capitalism. If there was no capitalism, Slavoj Žižek would not be happy in his life. He once called himself open and honest in an interview: an «admirer». In doing so, he sees the system enemy as Marx described it: as a fascination that transforms everything that is foreign to it. If communism is a distant specter, then capitalism can only be a near monster.

The coming revolution

Žižek gained notoriety in the 1990s, when he was able to make fruitful the elusive ideas of the slightly snooped psychoanalyst Jacques Lacan using obscene jokes, pop phenomenon and Hitchcock films. Suddenly one understood how human beings in their hearts are nostalgic and can only desire what they have already lost: if it has lost it, it must have existed. How man must presuppose a great other, which does not exist, if he does not want to get lost in this chaotic world.

Žižek received his PhD in philosophy from Lacan's son-in-law Jacques-Alain Miller as a doctor of philosophy in psychoanalysis. But Žižek's "Return to Lacan," which claimed to return to Freud, was, in truth, from the beginning a "return to Marx." Marx, in contrast to his followers, was fascinated by the "highly revolutionary role" of the bourgeoisie, as the Communist Manifesto states. This is exactly the big issue of Žižek, born in 1949 in Ljubljana: the revolution. Or closer: the absence of the revolution.

Only a political act can undermine after him the prevailing neo-liberal order in which we live. However, those who live in the middle of the monster can imagine, in a purely logical way, no other side of the monster. In Žižek's diction: "How the hell should I know what we should do?", Or free after Martin Heidegger (and Alain Badiou): Only a revolutionary God can save us. And because God's intervention is not coming any longer, Žižek is capricious to what he does best: to break the ruling order.

If you cannot act, you have to think. The Slovenian philosopher does this so masterfully that in the course of his career he has attracted the spell of almost all political groups, the left even more than the conservative, the feminists even more than the macho. You have to do that as a left-radical theoretician.

The fluid subject

Capital is the "social power". What people invent to facilitate the exchange of goods becomes the primary agent of the human world. Henceforth, people are at the service of the reproduction of capital.

This idea captivates the dialectician Žižek, because two opposing determinations interchange their roles: The most fictitious thing - capital, ie money in the long run, ie paper or Bites - dictates the course of the real, namely the human destiny, that is, the social, political and economic life. Yet for Zizek - again free after Marx - there are capitalists and proletarians, those who primarily profit from it, and those who primarily suffer from it; those who have and those who toil. He takes the double standard of profiteers on the grain.

If he has a mission, it is to be the sting in the flesh of the saturated elite.

"Everything that is estranged and standing" evaporates, "states the manifesto" or at the height of time: the fluid subject is the capitalist subject par excellence. Not only does it have to constantly reinvent its own CV, but also its identity. The "Be free!" Turns freedom into its opposite - hard-hitting compulsion.

For Žižek this is not progressive, but regressive and not without risks. It would be an irony of capitalism, of all things, that the identity politics that accompany the liquefaction of all conditions, and that sort people again by ethnicity, gender and sexual orientation, would lead to a new class society with a hierarchical structure.

Žižek also regularly takes a look at multiculturalism, for him theideology of capitalism. Behind the attitude of equating all cultures is nothing other than the assertion of one's own superiority: it is the gaze of the colonial gentleman who looks down on other cultures and keeps the closed societies at a distance while pretending to respect them. Let them do what they want, as long as it does not affect me!

But as soon as the multiculturalists have something to do with foreigners claiming the recognition of their cultural practices from the majority society, tolerance for intolerance tilts - and the attitude of cultural apartheid shows its true ugly face.

There is, of course, the political correctness, which Žižek calls a "revolution without revolution" and can not stand: the cultivated contemporary acts as if one could eliminate discrimination by means of speech prohibitions - only to be able to continue practicing them with a clear conscience.

Or take his criticism of mainstream feminism. Their representatives have not realized that they have fallen for their male whisperers: Anyone who suspects patriarchal thinking raises men to perpetrators - and degrades women to victims of the circumstances. Even with his constant criticism of eco-fundamentalism Žižek has made unpopular. For him, the Greens today manage the phantasm of a harmonious original state, in which the perfect natural balance prevailed - and to which the world has to find its way back. But after Žižek, who, like Marx, dreams of a new social dynamic, this would be a reactionary agenda.

A free society

Yes, Žižek is the ricochet among leftist theoreticians. All the more so as he does not simply vote for an expansion of the state to improve conditions, as socialists usually do reflexively. Although he shares Marx's view that the state "manages the common business of the entire bourgeois class" - at the same time he points out that the big government at the same time the new digital big business makes its own: The state apparatus works with the digital giant to his own Bothering citizens better.

In this respect, Žižek is indeed a consistent follower of the anarchic Marx: in the end, the state has to die and leave a free society. Or in the words of the "manifesto": an "association in which the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all".

As strong as Žižek is as a critic of the ruling order, so vague is his positive vision of communism. His most recent remarks on the subject seem modest: people around the world would discover the importance of commons for the development of humanity, the commons of intellectual property, the commons of the outer nature whose livelihoods are at stake, and the commons the inner nature, the biogenetic heritage of humanity. Everything belongs to everyone: this awareness, which makes us all proletarians, has only just begun, and it could change the world. Is this the revolutionary event that Zizek dreams of?

That sounds almost too little in the end. May Slavoj Žižek, who is celebrating his 70th birthday today, not be mild-mannered. If he has a mission, it is to be the sting in the flesh of the saturated elite. Long live Žižek, the tireless, the uncomfortable, the indestructible!



[New from Slavoj Žižek have appeared: "Like a thief in daylight: Power in the age of posthuman capitalism" (Fischer-Verlag 2019), - "Disparities" (Scientific Book Society 2018) and "The courage of hopelessness" (Fischer-Verlag 2018)]



























Slavoj refers to Jordan Peterson back in October 2018









At an event of Seton Hall University in October 2018. But see for yourself ( the relevant part ends at minute 38:13 ):








https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=2210&v=ieGCqd_hoSQ



























































Slavoj Žižek: “I am the alternative to Jordan Peterson”













They are both Enfants terribles of their field. And they have been fighting for a long time from afar: the radical Marxist Slavoj Žižek and the neo-conservative psychology professor Jordan Peterson. Now they meet in Toronto. Who will win?


René Scheu
13.4.2019, 05:30 clock







[TRANSLATED BY A STUPID COMPUTER]

INTERVIEWER: Mr. Žižek, all right?

SLAVOJ: Oh God, yes, we wanted to talk. I'm just in a bit of a panic, I have to finish some manuscripts and prepare for this stupid Toronto event.

INTERVIEWER: They meet with Jordan Peterson, the neo-conservative mastermind of a new masculinity. Why are you actually going into the lion's den?

SLAVOJ: Quite simply, he provoked me, and I accepted the provocation. After all, I'm not a coward. If you want a fight then you should get it.

INTERVIEWER: You criticized him quite harshly in the Independent?

SLAVOJ: Right. But I did not throw him the gauntlet. He did that.

INTERVIEWER: Let's leave the personal. What attracts you in content in the fight?

SLAVOJ: Again, I want to place a simple message: For people who are dissatisfied with left-liberal dogma, that is, political correctness, identity politics, and cultural relativism, Jordan Peterson is not the only answer. We, the good old left, are a valid alternative here.

INTERVIEWER: The dispute between the two of them has been ignited by the concept of cultural Marxism. Peterson accuses Marxists like you of wanting to transform people with new language and behavioral codes.

SLAVOJ: That I do not laugh! Peterson's image of the enemy is clear - the politically correct, egalitarian, superethic, resentful, and envy-driven left. Okay, there are such people, but they are certainly not the Marxists: Marxists behave exactly the other way round. These left-liberals are those who sustain the capitalist order by giving it a human face!

INTERVIEWER: The politically correct left-liberal are in your eyes - as Lenin would say - useful idiots of the system?

SLAVOJ: Exactly. They conceive of man as a fluid, flexible subject who can always reinvent himself - indeed, in order to liberate himself from patriarchy. The range of reinventions ranges from sexual orientation to careers. And the left liberals sell that as a great freedom. Such bullshit! What they did without realizing it is - in Marxist terms - the very core of bourgeois subjectivity. And the left-liberals can only do that because they live well and are privileged. In contrast, ordinary people suffer because they do not know today if they have a job tomorrow and how they can bring the family through. Ordinary working people do not want more, but less flexibility.

INTERVIEWER: Now you almost sound like Peterson!

SLAVOJ: For heaven's sake, no. I am the alternative to Peterson. What I say is trivial. It can be read in the "Communist Manifesto". It says: "The bourgeoisie has destroyed all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic conditions." Celebrating all the movements against the alleged patriarchy in which we still live is pure nostalgia and only cemented the prevailing order. And that consists, as in the past, of good old capitalists, that is, retirees with no income. People, wake up! To put it bluntly: Political correctness, identity politics and gender thinking are the bourgeoisie's last defense against a much more radical, emancipatory change of system.

INTERVIEWER: They preserve Marxist radicalism. Feminists do not make you popular with your view of things.

SLAVOJ: At the wise already. Genuine Marxists, just as serious feminists, never simply opposed patriarchy, as if everything male was toxic. Max Horkheimer shows in his study "Authority and Family" from 1936 very nicely how the paternal role is not to be despised - on the contrary: A strong father figure can offer young people a role model to defy the social conformism. And conversely, it is the weak, impotent father who tends to violence and also to totalitarianism.

INTERVIEWER: They are talking in rage. Still, again - I'm afraid, Peterson and you are too united in essential assessments. And for the nuances of differences and different motivations, only a few are likely to be interested.

SLAVOJ: That's not true. Take #MeToo. Peterson is absolutely against it, for him this is merely an expression of a gender struggle that is going on to the detriment of men. I see it differently. My heroine is Tarana Burke, a black American activist who used the buzzword "Me Too" back in 2006. It was never about the mood of the affluent and the world stars in the film business, which are disadvantaged, but the harassment and abuse of millions of women in everyday life. In a letter she deeply regretted the turn the #Metoo movement took in 2017. And she is right. The movement was hijacked by crazy feminists: suddenly it was no longer about equal rights of men and women, but men's hostility.

INTERVIEWER: Once again, you agree in the end. Peterson is rude that men are becoming more and more male and women more and more male. You cannot leave it that way, right?

SLAVOJ: That's way too easy. Because what, please, should be the male and what the feminine principle? Peterson takes care of himself by referring to Jungian archetypes. The male means order, the female stands for the chaotic. Not correct. There is, of course, a feminine and masculine form of order and disorder. I think that this kind of metaphysical psychoanalysis a la Jung is behind us.

INTERVIEWER: The point, however, is that Peterson also relies on evolutionary biology findings.

SLAVOJ: On the other hand, I have no objections in principle - no reasonable person can deny that there are biological differences between men and women that partly shape their behavior. If Peterson pulls out against those who represent sex and sexual orientation as an object of free choice, then he is at least half right. Because it is not that easy - and not so harmless. Man emerges quite late in evolution and is a strange being. It is characterized by something completely new that we still do not understand exactly - we call it freedom. But that does not mean that every human being, so to speak, frees himself from scratch. Whoever speaks thus is an ideologue. Referring to your example: Of course, there are biological men who feel like a woman, and that is a human phenomenon. At the same time, however, this is not an absolutely free choice of the individual - it is, so to speak, a forced free choice, which is associated with much suffering. I do not choose my gender or my orientation as I choose my favorite cake in the bakery. That's what many gender theorists simply do not want to understand.

INTERVIEWER: In any case, a fundamental difference in content between you and Peterson is obvious: you want to change the global capitalist order, and you do not do that. Peterson is more modest - he says in one of his rules: Clean up your room first before calling for a system change.

SLAVOJ: Everyone should first wipe their own door, that has never hurt. But that's just not enough, because it winds leaves and dirt of your environment in front of your door. And do you want to eliminate the dirt of the others day in and day out? So, your question is a wrong choice. It's not about either-or, it's about doing both - wiping at your own door and working on the system change.

INTERVIEWER: Their debate is reminiscent of the coincidence between Noam Chomsky and Michel Foucault in 1971. Although both were determined leftists, the roles were clearly divided: Chomsky gave the precise thinker, Foucault spoke more conspiratorial. Which part do you strive for?

SLAVOJ: Chomsky was a naturalist, Foucault historian, Chomsky was even farther left than Foucault at that time. That's a wonderful paradox. Such a combination is hardly conceivable today, and the left are now all convinced constructivists - except for the Marxists. The debate will therefore not run along this dividing line. Peterson and I are both outcasts. We are both cut from all sorts of groups and have to punch through ourselves. We are both entertainers. We both do not know what we got involved with. We will see it on April 19th.




















Assange helped teach the people about our tarnished freedom – now we are all he has left to defend him





The panic and fury with which those in power – those who control our digital commons – reacted to Assange, is proof that such activity hits a nerve

4 days ago
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It finally happened – Julian Assange was dragged from the Ecuadorian embassy and arrested. It was no surprise: many signs pointed in this direction.
A week or two ago, Wikileaks predicted the arrest, and the Ecuadorian foreign ministry responded with what we now know were lies. The recent re-arrest of Chelsea Manning (largely ignored by the media) was also an element in this game. Her confinement, designed to force her to divulge information about links with Wikileaks, is part of the prosecution that awaits Assange when (if) the US gets hold of him.

There were also clues in the long, slow well-orchestrated campaign of character assassination which reached the lowest level imaginable a couple of months ago with unverified rumors that the Ecuadorians wanted to get rid of him because of his bad smell and dirty clothes.

In the first stage of attacks on Assange, his ex-friends and collaborators went public with claims that Wikileaks began well but then it got bogged down with Assange’s political bias (his anti-Hillary obsession, his suspicious ties with Russia…). This was followed by more direct personal defamations: he is paranoiac and arrogant, obsessed by power and control.

Assange a paranoiac? When you live permanently in an apartment which is bugged from above and below, victim of constant surveillance organised by secret services, who wouldn’t be that? Megalomaniac? When the (now ex-) head of the CIA says your arrest is his priority, does not this imply that you are a “big” threat to some, at least? Behaving like the head of a spy organisation? But Wikileaks IS a spy organisation, although one that serves the people, keeping them informed on what goes on behind the scenes.

So let’s move to the big question: why now? I think one name explains it all: Cambridge Analytica – a name which stands for all Assange is about, for what he fights against, and describes the link between great private corporations and government agencies.

Remember how big topic an obsession Russian meddling in the US elections became – now we know it was not Russian hackers (with Assange) who nudged the people towards Trump. Instead they were pushed our own data-processing agencies who joined up with political forces.

This doesn’t mean that Russia and their allies are innocent: they probably did try influence the outcome in the same way that the US does it in other countries (only in this case, it is called helping democracy). But it means the big bad wolf who distorts our democracy is here, not in the Kremlin – and this is what Assange was claiming all the time.

But where, exactly, is this big bad wolf? To grasp the whole scope of this control and manipulation, one should move beyond the link between private corporations and political parties (as is the case with Cambridge Analytica), to the interpenetration of data processing companies like Google or Facebook and state security agencies.

We shouldn't be shocked at China but at ourselves who have accepted the same regulation while believing that we retain out full freedom, and that our media just help us to realise our goals. In China people are fully aware that they are regulated.

The overall image emerging from it, combined with what we also know about the link between the latest developments in biogenetics (the wiring of the human brain etc.), provides an adequate and terrifying image of new forms of social control which make good old 20th century “totalitarianism” a rather primitive and clumsy machine of control.

The biggest achievement of the new cognitive-military complex is that direct and obvious oppression is no longer necessary: individuals are much better controlled and “nudged” in the desired direction when they continue to experience themselves as free and autonomous agents of their own life.

This is another key lesson of Wikileaks: our unfreedom is most dangerous when it is experienced as the very medium of our freedom – what can be more free that the incessant flow of communications which allows every individual to popularise their opinions and form virtual communities of their own free will?

In our societies, permissiveness and free choice are elevated into a supreme value, and so social control and domination can no longer appear to infringe on a subject’s freedom. It has to appear as (and be sustained by) the very self-experience of individuals as free. What can be more free than our unconstrained surfing on the web? This is how “fascism which smells like democracy” really operates today.

This is why it is absolutely imperative to keep the digital network out of the control of private capital and state power, and render it totally accessible to public debate. Assange was right in his strangely ignored book When Google Met WikiLeaks (New York: OR Books 2014): to understand how our lives are regulated today, and how this regulation is experienced as our freedom, we have to focus on the shadowy relation between private corporations which control our commons and secret state agencies.

Now we can see why Assange has to be silenced: after the Cambridge Analytica scandal exploded, all the efforts of those in power has gone into reducing it to a particular “misuse” by some private corporations and political parties – but where is the state itself, the half-invisible apparatuses of the so-called “deep state”?

Assange characterised himself as the spy of and for the people: he is not spying on the people for those in power, he is spying on those in power for the people. This is why his only assistance will have to come from us, the people. Only our pressure and mobilisation can alleviate his predicament. One often reads how the Soviet secret service not only punished its traitors (even if it took decades to do it), but also fought doggedly to free them when they were caught by the enemy. Assange has no state behind him, just us – so let us do Soviet secret service was doing, let’s fight for him no matter how long it will take!
Wikileaks is just the beginning, and our motto should be a Maoist one: Let a hundred Wikileaks blossom. The panic and fury with which those in power –those who control our digital commons – reacted to Assange, is proof that such activity hits a nerve.

There will be many blows below the belt in this fight – our side will be accused of playing into the enemy’s hands (like the campaign against Assange for being in the service of Putin), but we should get used to it and learn to strike back with interest, ruthlessly playing one side against each other in order to bring them all down.