Monday, August 1, 2016

Žižek: review of McKenzie Wark’s Molecular Red



















Ecology against Mother Nature: Slavoj Žižek on Molecular Red


By Slavoj Žižek / 26 May 2015



How are we to think the anthropocene? Slavoj  Žižek, in his review of McKenzie Wark’s Molecular Red below, offers a comment on one of the most pressing questions of our time. For Žižek, Molecular Red provides some answers to the major fallacies of ecological discourse: "If there is one good thing about capitalism it is that under it, Mother Earth no longer exists."











On November 28, 2008, Evo Morales, the president of Bolivia, issued a public letter titled “Climate Change: Save the Planet from Capitalism”. Here are its opening statements:

Sisters and brothers: Today, our Mother Earth is ill. … Everything began with the industrial revolution in 1750, which gave birth to the capitalist system. In two and a half centuries, the so called “developed” countries have consumed a large part of the fossil fuels created over five million centuries. … Under Capitalism Mother Earth does not exist, instead there are raw materials. Capitalism is the source of the asymmetries and imbalances in the world.[1]


The politics pursued by the Morales government in Bolivia is on the very cutting edge of today’s progressive struggle—but, nonetheless, the quoted lines render with painful clarity its ideological limitation (for which one always pays a practical price). Morales relies on the narrative on the Fall which took place at a precise historical moment (“Everything began with the industrial revolution in 1750…”) and, predictably, this Fall consists in losing our roots in Mother Earth (“Under Capitalism mother earth does not exist”). To this, one is tempted to add that, if there is one good thing about capitalism it is that under it, Mother Earth no longer exists. “Capitalism is the source of the asymmetries and imbalances in the world”—this means that our goal should be to restore “natural” balance and symmetry. What is thereby attacked and rejected is the very rise of modern subjectivity, which obliterates the traditional sexualized cosmology of Mother Earth (and Father Heaven), of our roots in the substantial “maternal” order of nature.


Ecology is one of today’s major ideological battlefields, with a whole series of strategies to obfuscate the true dimensions of the ecological threat: (1) simple ignorance—it’s a marginal phenomenon, not worthy of preoccupation, life (of capital) goes on, nature will take care of itself; (2) science and technology can save us; (3) leave the solution to the market (higher taxation of the polluters, etc.); (4) superego pressure, emphasising personal responsibility instead of large systemic measures—each of us should do what he/she can (recycle, consume less, etc.); (5) maybe the worst of them all is the advocating of a return to natural balance, to a more modest traditional life by means of which we renounce human hubris and become respectful children of our Mother Nature again. But this whole paradigm of Mother Nature derailed by our hubris is wrong. Why? McKenzie Wark’s Molecular Red provides an answer.[2]

The core of ecological crisis is a phenomenon noted already by Marx, the so-called “metabolic rift” caused by expanding capitalist productivity. In Wark’s words: “Labor pounds and wheedles rocks and soil, plants and animals, extracting the molecular flows out of which our shared life is made and remade. But those molecular flows do not return from whence they came” (xiii). When such a rift caused by human industry begins to pose a threat to the very reproduction of life on earth, so that humanity literally becomes a geological factor, we enter a new era of the Anthropocene:

The Anthropocene is a series of metabolic rifts, where one molecule after another is extracted by labor and technique to make things for humans, but the waste products don’t return so that the cycle can renew itself. (xiv)

Wark designates the agency of this growing rift with the ironic term, the “Carbon Liberation Front”: “The Carbon Liberation Front seeks out all of past life that took the form of fossilized carbon, unearths it and burns it to release its energy. The Anthropocene runs on carbon” (xv). There is a paradox in the very heart of this notion of the Anthropocene: humanity became aware of its self-limitation as a species precisely when it became so strong that it influenced the balance of all life on earth. It was able to dream of being a Subject only until its influence on nature (earth) was no longer marginal, i.e., only against the background of a stable nature.


Notions like “rift” and perturbed “cycle” seem to rely on their opposite: on a vision of a “normal” state of things where the cycle is closed and the balance reestablished, as if the Anthropocene should be overcome by simply re-installing the human species into this balance. Wark’s key achievement is to reject this path: there never was such a balance, nature in itself is already unbalanced, the idea of Nature as a big Mother is just another image of the divine big Other. For Wark, I am one of the big bad guys since I embody “all the old vices” (17) of contemplative materialism detached from praxis—yet I agree with his basic approach of dismissing Nature as the last figure of the big Other:

the God who still hid in the worldview of an ecology that was self-correcting, self-balancing and self-healing—is dead … The human is no longer that figure in the foreground which pursues its self-interest against the background of a wholistic, organicist cycle that the human might perturb but with which it can remain in balance and harmony, in the end, by simply withdrawing from certain excesses. (xii)

Consequently, after the death of the God-Father, the masculine Reason, we should also endorse the death of the Goddess-Nature: “To dispense with the invisible hand, and with homeostatic ecology as a basic metaphor, is to live once again after God is dead” (209). Firstly, we never encounter nature-in-itself: the nature we encounter is always-already caught in antagonistic interaction with collective human labour. But secondly, the gap separating human labour from intractable nature (all that resists our grasp) is irreducible. Nature is not an abstract “in-itself” but primarily the resisting counterforce that we encounter in our labour. However, we have to make one further step here. The fiction of a stable nature disturbed by human intervention is wrong even as an inaccessible ideal that we may approach if we withdraw as much as possible from our activity. Nature is already in itself disturbed, out of joint:

We still tend to think that if we stop certain actions, an ecology will right itself and return to homeostasis. But perhaps that is not the case. … What if there is only an unstable nature… (200)

The rift between labour and intractable nature should be supplemented not only by a rift within nature itself, which makes it forever unstable, but also by a rift emerging from within humanity itself. This rift, which explodes in modernity, is the “divorce between the sensation of the world and the idea of it” (105). We should not read this rift in the traditional humanist-Marxist sense, as the “alienation” of “higher” theoretical activity from living collective practice. Rather, we should read it as the fact that the living, practical experience of reality cannot be elevated into the ultimate resort—and therein resides the lesson of modern science and technology. The “inhuman” realm (the field of quantum oscillations is exemplary) is beneath our direct experience, accessible only through scientific theories: this queer world of particle physics “is so far below the threshold of human perception that we struggle for language to describe it” (165). Yet what we lack is not so much an appropriate language (we can construct that easily enough) but, much more, an appropriate sensation-experience of this queer world as a part of our reality. The same holds for the “Carbon Liberation Front”, our knowledge of which “is a knowledge that can only be created via a techno-scientific apparatus so extensive that it is now an entire planetary infrastructure” (180). Here also, as Wagner would have put it, die Wunde schliesst der Speer nur der sie schlug [the wound can be healed only by the spear which smote it].


My only critical point is that Wark’s unsurpassable horizon remains what he calls “shared life,” and every autonomization of any of its moments amounts to a fetishizing alienation: “Our species-being is lost from shared life when we make a fetish of a particular idea, a particular love, or a particular labor” (107). Here, however, we should raise a double question. Firstly, is such an interruption of the flow of shared life, such a focus on an idea, a beloved, or a task, not precisely what Badiou calls the Event? So, far from dismissing such cuts as cases of alienation, should we not celebrate them as the highest expression of the power of negativity? Furthermore, does our access to the nonhuman molecular level of, say, the quantum universe, not presuppose precisely such a cut from our shared daily life? We are dealing here with a properly Hegelian paradox. Hegel praises the “molar” act of abstraction—the reduction of the complexity of a situation to the “essential”, to its key feature—as the infinite power of Understanding. The truly hard thing is not to bear in mind the complexity of a situation, but to brutally simplify it so that we see its essential form, not its details. The difficult thing is to see classes, not micro-groups fighting each other; to see the subject, not the Humean flow of mental states. We are not talking here just of ideal forms or patterns, but of the Real. The void of subjectivity is the Real which is obfuscated by the wealth of “inner life”; class antagonism is the Real which is obfuscated by the multiplicity of social conflicts.


In spite of these critical notes, one cannot but admire analyses of the thick network of invisible lateral links which sustain our reality—recall Jane Bennett’s description of how actants interact at a polluted trash site: not only humans, but also the rotting trash, worms, insects, abandoned machines, chemical poisons, etc., all play their (never purely passive) role.[3] This is not just the old reductionist idea that one can translate higher mental or life processes into lower-level processes. The point is that things happens at a higher level which cannot be explained on this level’s own terms. (Say, there is a theory that Ancient Rome’s decline was due to the poisonous effect of the lead particles in their metal pots and bowls.) Our fight against racism should also be “molecular”: instead of just focusing on big “molar” explanations of how racism is a displaced class-struggle, etc., one should analyse the micro-practices (the thick texture of gestures and expressions) which display envy, humiliation, etc., of the racial Other. Today when we are (almost) all open-minded tolerant liberals, racism reproduces itself precisely at this molecular level: I respect Arabs, Jews, Blacks, etc., it’s just that I cannot stand the smell of their food, their loud music, the vulgar sound of their laughter…


We should thus move beyond the Deleuzian opposition between molecular and molar, which ultimately reduces the molar level to a shadowy theatre of representations, in relation to a molecular level of actual productivity and life-experience. True, the metabolic rift is operative and can only be established at a “lower” molecular level, but this molecular level is so low that it is imperceptible not only to “molar” big politics or social struggles but also to the most elementary forms of experience. It can only be accessed through “high” theory—in a kind of self-inverted twist, it is only through the highest that we get to the lowest. Science, of course, has its own “molecular” material base: its scientific measuring apparatuses. Although these apparatuses are made by humans and form part of our ordinary reality, they enable us gain access to weird domains which are NOT part of our experiential human reality, from quantum oscillations to genomes:

There is something inhuman about science. Its modes of perception, modeling and verifying are outside the parameters of the human sensorium, even though they are dependent on an apparatus that is itself the product of human labor. The objects of science are not dependent on human consciousness. And yet science happens in history, constrained by forms of social organization of a given type and of a given time. As such, existing social relations are a fetter upon science in its pursuit of the inhuman sensations of the nonhuman real. (208)

Along these lines, Karan Barad is right to point out the narrowness of Bohr’s notion of the apparatus: the apparatus has its own history, it is the product of social practices and as such it refracts the larger world of forces and relations of production. Crucial here is the distinction between nonhuman and inhuman: nonhuman resides at the same level as human; it is part of the ordinary world in which humans confront nonhuman things and processes. The apparatus is something different, neither human nor nonhuman but inhuman:

The inhuman mediates the nonhuman to the human. This preserves the queer, alien quality of what can be produced by an apparatus—particle physics for example—without saying too much about the nonhuman in
advance. (164)

In short, while apparatuses are immanent to the human, products of human productive and scientific engagement with reality, they are simultaneously inhuman in the sense that they enable us to discern the contours of a real that is not part of our reality. The truly weird element in the triad of humans, the reality they confront, and the apparatuses they use to penetrate reality is thus not an intractable external reality, but the apparatuses which mediate between the two extremes (humans and nonhuman reality). Apparatuses enable humans not only to get to know the real which is outside the scope of their experiential reality (like quantum waves); they also enable them to construct new “unnatural” (inhuman) objects which cannot but appear to our experience as freaks of nature (gadgets, genetically modified organisms, cyborgs, etc.). The power of human culture is not only to build an autonomous symbolic universe beyond what we experience as nature, but to produce new “unnatural” natural objects which materialize human knowledge. We do not only “symbolize nature”, we—as it were—denaturalize it from within.



[1] Available online at http://links.org.au/node/769

[2] McKenzie Wark, Molecular Red: Theory for the Anthropocene, London: Verso Books 2015. Numbers in brackets refer to the pages of this book.

[3] See Jane Bennett, Vibrant Matter, Durham: Duke UP 2010.





























Up to 28 Civilians Reportedly Killed in US-Led Strike in Syria













Fresh strike took place in same area where US is said to have killed scores in airstrikes last week

















The U.S.-led coalition has been accused of killing as many as 28 civilians, including a woman and seven children, near the northern Syrian city of Manbij on Thursday—the same area where U.S.-led airstrikes last week may have killed scores of civilians.

"The Manbij area," as the Associated Press describes, "has seen extensive battles between IS [Islamic State or ISIS] extremists and U.S.-backed Kurdish-led fighters." It is also where UNICEF estimated last week that there are 35,000 children trapped "with nowhere safe to go."

According to the U.K.-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, the latest casualties came after international coalition "warplanes targeted areas in the town of al-Ghandour, which is more than 23 kilometers [14 miles] away from Manbij city, and the death toll is expected to rise because there are some people in critical situation."

U.S. Central Command issued a press release Thursday in response to the allegation. It confirmed coalition "airstrikes in the area in the last 24 hours," adding, "As with every report of civilian casualties, we will review any information we have about the incident."

The U.S. military said Wednesday it was opening a formal investigation into whether civilians were killed in last week's airstrike that may have killed over 70 people, including women and children.

And on Friday, a maternity hospital in the northwestern part of the country was hit by an airstrike. It is not clear at this point who carried out the attack or if the hospital was directly targeted.

According to the U.K.-based charity Save the Children, which supports the Idlib province hospital, airstrikes hit the entrance to the building. At least two people have been killed, the charity told the Independent.

The news of the fresh strikes comes after Russian and Syrian officials announced humanitarian corridors for those civilians and surrendering rebels seeking to flee the northern city of Aleppo, which is roughly 50 miles from Manbij.  According to U.N. Special Envoy for Syria, Staffan de Mistura, however, the creation of safe corridors is "our job." 

"How do you expect people to walk through a corridor—thousands of them—while there is shelling, bombing, fighting?" de Mistura said.

Human rights group Amnesty International also expressed caution.

"For years the Syrian government has blocked crucial aid from reaching besieged civilians while subjecting them to the horrors of daily shelling and air strikes, using starvation as a weapon of war and deliberately causing unbearable suffering to those living in opposition-held areas," said Philip Luther, director of Amnesty's Middle East and North Africa program.

"Providing safe routes for those civilians who wish to flee Aleppo city will not avert a humanitarian catastrophe. It is not a substitute for allowing impartial humanitarian relief for civilians who remain in opposition-held areas of the city or other besieged areas, many of whom will be skeptical about government promises," Luther continued.

Transparency watchdog Airwars estimates that the international coalition has killed over 1,500 civilians in its campaign against ISIS.


This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike




























‘These Agreements Depend on Secrecy in Order to Pass’





















CounterSpin interviews with Lori Wallach, Peter Maybarduk and Karen Hansen-Kuhn on trade pacts and corporate globalization












Janine Jackson: Welcome to CounterSpin, your weekly look behind the headlines of the mainstream news. I’m Janine Jackson.

This week on CounterSpin: Few ideas are as hard-wired into corporate media as the notion that so-called “free trade” agreements of the sort we have are, despite concerns, best for everyone—and, anyway, inevitable. Given that the deals are not primarily about trade, and that what freedom they entail applies to corporations and not people, you could say media’s use of the term “free trade” implies a bias—against clarity, if nothing else.

This week, CounterSpin will revisit three clarifying interviews we’ve done on this issue. We’ll hear from Lori Wallach of Public Citizen’s Global Trade Watch, whose 2008 discussion of NAFTA is really Trade Pacts 101. Peter Maybarduk from Public Citizen’s Global Access to Medicines Program talked with Steve Rendall  in 2013 about the  impact of another deal, the TPP, on healthcare. And last year, Karen Hansen-Kuhn of  the Institute for Agriculture and Trade Policy talked about the effects of the TPP on food and farming.

Three critical discussions about corporate media and corporate-friendly globalization on today’s CounterSpin.

Janine Jackson interviewed Lori Wallach about NAFTA’s impact for the February 29, 2008, episode of CounterSpin.


Janine Jackson: The Wall Street Journal had it recently that leading Democratic presidential contenders Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton have ratcheted up their anti-trade, anti-corporate rhetoric. The Washington Post took Obama to task in an editorial for “exaggerating” job losses due to trade pacts, sniffing that such ideas were “not worthy of a candidate whose past speeches and writings demonstrate that he understands the benefits of free trade.”

But in reporting on the candidates and trade issues, the remarkable thing is not so much Obama or Clinton’s criticism of corporate-driven trade policy as corporate media’s uncritical, at times near hysterical, defense of it. What misinformation still sets the stage for this country’s global trade debate, and how could journalists redirect the conversation?

Joining us now to talk about this is Lori Wallach, director of Global Trade Watch at Public Citizen. Welcome to CounterSpin, Lori Wallach.

Lori Wallach: Thank you very much.

JJ: First of all, as kind of a simple question, isn’t it just a little late in the game for outlets like the Wall Street Journal to refer to arguments that are critical of existing trade pacts like NAFTA as being “anti-trade” arguments? It seems an indication of just kind of the crudity of the whole conversation.

LW: The data is in. We’ve had one model of trade and globalization implemented under agreements such as the World Trade Organization, or NAFTA, the North American Free Trade Agreement. We’ve had 15 years to see how that would work. And the data has come in, showing the United States has lost net 3 million of its manufacturing jobs in that 15-year period, and for the first time in our country’s modern history, less than 10 percent of the population is employed in manufacturing.

Why does that matter for all of us? Because the data also show that when you change out higher-paid manufacturing jobs with lower-paid service-sector jobs, wages economy-wide are pushed down.

So the government data show in real terms, US median wages are at about 1972 levels, even though worker productivity has doubled. Now think tanks that supported NAFTA and WTO are writing papers admitting that a significant contribution to that wage suppression is what they call labor arbitrage, having US workers directly competing with workers who make a dollar a day.

Why? Not through an act of God, but because agreements like NAFTA and WTO included foreign investor rules that directly incentivized offshoring—relocation of production from the US to low-wage countries—by removing most of the risks normally associated with businesses going to a developing country.

JJ: Uh-huh.

LW: NAFTA, WTO, they provide guaranteed minimum standards of treatment. They forbid developing countries from applying the kind of policies they used to to foreign investors. Things like: You have to use a certain percentage of domestic content, or you have to transfer technology to us. And they require that foreign companies operating in a place like China now get all the subsidies the domestic companies get, so all those huge energy subsidies. Fully 60 percent of the exports of China come from multinational corporations that have moved there for production.

Those incentives and those agreements have had these outcomes, and the American public has had it. And in fact, for these candidates simply to implement their domestic policy goals—creating jobs, tackling income inequality, dealing with the healthcare crisis and the climate change crisis—will require changes to these agreements.

JJ: Well, in light of that data and that reality, I wonder what you make of the kind of media coverage that takes the tone that it’s a “belief” that NAFTA has affected jobs. The Washington Post said that Hillary Clinton was distancing herself from NAFTA, “which is unpopular among workers in manufacturing, who believe the deal has contributed to the movement of jobs overseas.” What do you make of that kind of psychologizing of what, as you’ve just indicated, is just a hard reality?

LW: Well, as a recovering trade attorney who’s up to her ears in all the government data that proves that these agreements have had these effects, it’s infuriating, actually!

The data is very clear, and the only good news is a lot of politicians, who are having to come face-to-face with Americans who’ve lived the experience, are actually starting to, by political necessity, take steps to change the current policies, regardless of what the elite media are saying to try and convince them otherwise. But there’s still a lot of work to do.

So, for instance, Senators Obama and Clinton, they have been escalating their rhetoric against NAFTA since the Iowa primary. And, in a way, it’s excellent that they have felt the need to respond to the public’s anxiety that they’re facing all across the country. The problem is, to date they really haven’t put forth proposals about what they’re going to do. So they’re sort of feeling our pain, but they’ve only talked about adding labor and environmental standards to NAFTA, mainly, in public.

And, though important, and part of building, in the long term, a social contract for workers in those countries, that could take a hundred years, like it did in our country.  The things that have to be done, which reflect not just NAFTA but the World Trade Organization, China trade, those things, such as removing the investment rules in these so-called trade agreements that directly promote offshoring, removing the ban on local preferences and “buy American” rules, in all of these trade agreements, NAFTA, WTO—that would totally gut the candidates’ proposals for green jobs, or for creating good jobs by rebuilding the US infrastructure. That is what needs to be addressed, and the candidates, just to succeed at what they claim are their own priorities, are going to have to deal with this stuff.

JJ: Is it putting those questions to them specifically? Is it that, and what else do you think reporters might do differently as we go forward, given that it looks like this is going to stay an issue in the election, to improve or uplift, if you will, the quality of the coverage around trade?

LW: Well, certainly asking some of those specific questions. And we put out an advisory about a week ago that listed questions the candidates probably don’t want to hear but will save them from not being able to, in the future, implement their policy goals. And those questions, which get to the actual “changing the terms of globalization by changing the rules” questions the candidates need to address, but also there’s now enormous amounts of data. You can go to our website TradeWatch.org, the Economic Policy Institute, the Center for Economic Policy and Research, that take the government data, have footnotes until you could choke, proving that actually these outcomes have occurred, and then showing how they are specifically connected to the agreements.

And this information may help remedy, cure, the psychologizing that you see in a lot of the mainstream media that makes it seem like NAFTA is some bogeyman that American workers are imagining is under their bed, as compared to—these are specific choices. Interests that wanted to pursue certain strategies for their maximizing of profits got their protections to help them offshore, put in specific instruments called NAFTA, WTO, that deliver a specific version of globalization. It got test run for over a decade. The results are in. It ain’t working. And the good news, there’s some very specific things you could do, were you to be president, to change those agreements to get different outcomes.

JJ: I’d like to thank you very much. We’ve been speaking with Lori Wallach, director of Public Citizen’s Global Trade Watch. Find them on the web at TradeWatch.org. Thanks for joining us today on CounterSpin.

LW: Thank you.

[other interviews follow]