"The House arresting
someone would be explosive and clearly should not be undertaken lightly. But
the very explosiveness of it would be a way for the House to signal the
seriousness of White House obstructionism to the public."
Thursday, October 10, 2019
Faced with an intransigent
White House unwilling to cooperate with an impeachment inquiry into President
Donald Trump's pressuring of the Ukrainian government to investigate his
political rival former Vice President Joe Biden, the House should take
aggressive action including arresting Rudy Giuliani, a law professor argues in
a column for The New York Times Thursday.
"The answer is unlikely
to be found in a courtroom," writes law
professor Josh Chafetz.
The White House has repeatedly
refused to answer subpoenas and on Tuesday afternoon, as Common Dreams reported,
announced in an eight page letter that the administration will flatly refuse to
cooperate in the inquiry, a move that could set up a constitutional crisis.
"There is no legal basis
for Trump's position," NBC analyst Katie Phang said on
Twitter Tuesday. "Hard stop."
House Democrats need to think
outside the box, Chafetz argues.
"The House should instead
put back on the table the option of using its sergeant-at-arms to arrest
contemnors—as the person in violation of the order is called—especially when an
individual, like Rudy Giuliani, is not an executive branch official,"
Chaftez writes.
Chafetz acknowledges that the
move was extreme, but said that the net benefits of taking things to that level
would outweigh the possible negatives of such an action and allow for the House
to open the door to other punitive actions seen as less radical.
"The House arresting
someone would be explosive and clearly should not be undertaken lightly,"
says Chafetz. "But the very explosiveness of it would be a way for the
House to signal the seriousness of White House obstructionism to the
public."
On Thursday, Common
Dreams reported that two
associates of Giuliani's were arrested for campaign finance violations due to
their contributions to Trump in 2016 and 2018.
A number of legal observers
endorsed the theoretical framing of Chafetz's piece while urging readers to
manage expectations.
"An aggressive strategy
might work in Congress's favor, or it might backfire," tweeted George
Mason University political science professor Jennifer N. Victory. "We
cannot underestimate the importance of public reaction for providing legitimacy
to government actions when we're in uncharted water."
University of Denver professor
Seth Masket said he
saw the logic in that but inaction could prove more costly.
"Agreed that this is a
risky strategy, but the idea of doing nothing, and letting congressional
subpoenas become voluntary, is likely far more dangerous in the long run,"
said Masket.
In his conclusion, Chafetz
recognizes the pitfalls of an aggressive approach, but posits that taking such
an action is necessary given the administration's behavior.
"In the end, whether the
House wins that fight, like whether it wins a fight over arresting a contemnor,
would be a function of which side best convinces the public," writes
Chafetz. "But President Trump is deeply
unpopular, and the public supports
impeachment. If necessary, the House should be willing to have these
fights."
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