Josh Ruebner Activism and
BDS Beat 18 April 2017
New bill in Congress backed by
AIPAC aims to thwart international measures to hold Israel accountable for
settlements built on occupied Palestinian land.
US Senator Ben Cardin is once
again trying to pass legislation designed to suppress the boycott, divestment
and sanctions (BDS) movement for Palestinian rights.
During the last Congressional
session, the Maryland Democrat succeeded in sneaking
language into a must-pass trade bill making it a “principal negotiating
objective” of the United States “to discourage politically motivated actions to
boycott, divest from or sanction Israel” while negotiating trade deals.
This discouragement of BDS
extended to boycotts of products originating from settlements in what the bill
euphemistically referred to as “Israeli-controlled territories.” All of
Israel’s settlements in the occupied West Bank and Syria’s Golan Heights are illegal
under international law.
But with the Trump
administration’s skepticism toward free trade deals and its withdrawal
of the United States from the controversial Trans-Pacific
Partnership, it seems unlikely that the United States in the near term will
be leveraging anti-BDS pressure through trade negotiations as Cardin
envisioned.
With BDS continuing to gain
momentum, Cardin went back to the drawing board and introduced the Israel
Anti-Boycott Act on 23 March, designed to coincide with the annual policy
conference of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee.
The powerful Israel lobby
group duly made the bill one of its top
legislative priorities.
The Senate version of the bill
– S.720
– currently has 18 cosponsors – 14 Republicans and four Democrats.
Its counterpart in the House –
H.R.1697
– introduced by Illinois Republican Peter Roskam, has 91 co-sponsors at
present, about two-thirds of them Republicans.
The bill opposes the creation
of a database of Israeli settlement companies by the UN Human Rights
Council and any efforts to boycott those companies’ products.
According to Cardin
and the other original sponsors of the Israel Anti-Boycott Act, the bill also
seeks to “prevent the implementation of similar ‘blacklists’ or boycotts in the
future.”
It aims to do so in a
heavy-handed manner: by imposing governmental sanctions – denial of loans,
fines and even potentially jail time – on companies complying with calls from
the UN Human Rights Council to boycott Israeli settlement products.
Shrewdly shrouded
If it becomes law, the bill
could also sweep up in its broad ambit companies refusing to do business with
Israeli settlements whatever their source of inspiration for doing so may be.
These sanctions would also apply to potential future international governmental
calls for a broader boycott of Israel.
The draconian nature of the
bill is shrewdly shrouded. None of the above-mentioned sanctions are specified
in the actual text of the bill.
Only by closely examining the
underlying laws which would be amended by this bill does its intent become
evident: to harshly punish those companies which exercise their First
Amendment-protected right to engage in boycotts of Israeli settlement
products.
The bill seeks to amend two
laws – the Export Administration Act of 1979 and the Export-Import Bank Act of
1945 – to accomplish its aim.
The Export Administration Act
is the primary law which makes it illegal for US corporations to comply with
the Arab League boycott of Israel. The Department of Commerce maintains an Office of Anti-Boycott
Compliance to ensure US corporations do not participate in the Arab League
boycott and to fine those that do.
The Israel Anti-Boycott Act
would amend this law to encompass “restrictive trade practices or boycotts
fostered or imposed by any international governmental organization against
Israel or requests to impose restrictive trade practices or boycotts by any
international governmental organization against Israel.”
Even if a corporation was not
responding directly to a call from an international governmental organization
to boycott Israel or even settlement products, it could still run afoul of this
bill if its actions are perceived to “have the effect of furthering or
supporting” this boycott.
The potential penalties for
violating this bill are steep: a minimum $250,000 civil penalty and a maximum
criminal penalty of $1 million and 20 years imprisonment, as stipulated in the International
Emergency Economic Powers Act.
The bill specifies that
international governmental organizations include the United Nations and
European Union, a clear indication the legislation is intended to counteract
the limited steps the UN Human Rights Council has taken to catalog Israeli
settlement products and the EU’s labeling
– but not prohibition – of those products.
Protecting settlements
The bill also amends the
Export-Import Bank Act to make it possible for the bank to “deny applications
for credit” to corporations whose policies and actions “are politically
motivated and are intended to penalize or otherwise limit commercial relations
specifically with citizens or residents of Israel, entities organized under the
laws of Israel, or the Government of Israel.”
The legislation refers back to
the definition of BDS enshrined in law in the last congressional session to
include “Israeli-controlled territories,” thereby making the harsh sanctions
applicable to actions solely targeting Israeli settlements.
The bill concludes with a
dubious stipulation that nothing in it “shall be construed to alter the
established policy of the United States or to establish new United States
policy concerning final status issues associated with the Arab-Israeli
conflict, including border delineation, that can only be resolved through
direct negotiations between the parties.”
However, by establishing such
stringent penalties for corporations that respond to nascent international
governmental organizations’ efforts to end trade in Israeli settlement
products, the bill does in fact attempt to dramatically alter US policy.
Growing consensus
For the past 50 years,
official US policy has held that Israel’s settlements are violations of the
Fourth Geneva Convention and illegal under international law. The bill seeks to
undermine this determination by penalizing companies refusing to do business
with Israeli settlements and conversely attempts to legitimize their status.
Under existing law,
corporations can only be penalized for adhering to the Arab League boycott of
Israel. Cardin’s bill would vastly widen this net by also ensnaring
corporations that support international governmental organizations’ boycotts of
Israeli settlement products or even those which are perceived as furthering those
boycotts.
Last year, Human Rights
Watch urged that all corporations had to end
all business in or with settlements in order to comply with their human
rights obligations, and that governments are responsible for taking steps to
discourage settlements.
“Settlement businesses
unavoidably contribute to Israeli policies that dispossess and harshly
discriminate against Palestinians, while profiting from Israel’s theft of
Palestinian land and other resources,” Arvind Ganesan, director of the group’s
business and human rights division, said.
There is also a growing
consensus among international legal scholars that trade in settlement goods
violates international law.
Activists are organizing
against this bill because they believe that if passed, it could stymie
campaigns by the Palestine solidarity movement to pressure corporations to cut
ties to Israel or even with Israeli settlements.
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