Without a political
revolution, Sanders’ agenda is sure to fail. And he knows it.
“I believe that, as hard as it
will be, the change we need is coming, because I’ve seen it, because I’ve
lived it.”
“We can seize this future
together.”
“If you are willing to work
with me … then I promise you change will come.”
President Barack Obama said
these things on the campaign trail in 2008 and 2012. His stance didn’t waver;
his hope didn’t crumble. President Obama truly believed in “Yes, we can.” And
he brought us with him.
He brought us as far as he
could, anyway.
Obama believed we would close
Guantanamo Bay; he believed we could make college affordable. He believed he
could close the tax loopholes that benefit huge corporations at the expense of
individuals, that he could push through universal healthcare with lower
premiums.
Obama believed we could do all
of these things within the system we gave him. He thought he could create
change by working inside the establishment, changing the policy that sits atop
the current structure of our democracy.
Obama believed in us, as we
are. He was a young candidate. His tenure in politics had been relatively
short. He had a revitalizing naïveté about him. “Yes, we can” stood for: Yes,
we can make our politics work. Yes, we can work inside this box to make them
happen together.
It was a powerful message, and
it was necessary to pave the way for Bernie Sanders’ message, which is, “No, we
can’t. Unless we transform the system.”
Sanders, unlike Obama, is
bluntly calling for a political revolution. He is not working around the faults
in our system, but laying them bare. The type of change Sanders is using to woo
voters doesn’t stay inside our current political box. It is appealing because
it tosses that box in the dumpster. And it would not have resonated without
Obama’s “Yes, we can” going first and showing us the limits of what is possible
within our current constraints.
We look back at that refrain
and think, “Well, we tried.” We tried, and we’ve been in gridlock financially
and politically for seven years. But we tried. The voter base that leans
progressive now has viable proof that we have done everything we can within our
system. Congress is in such gridlock that Republican leaders are refusing to
hear nominations for a Supreme Court Justice. Because of this, voters are ready
for the bold statement, “No, we can’t.”
Bernie Sanders has surprised
the country and the mainstream media with his persistent popularity, shooting
up from “protest candidate” (as rival Martin O’Malley initially dismissed him)
to Hillary Clinton’s only threat.
Having been in politics for
decades upon decades, Sanders has no illusions about the presidency or the
Congress. As he said on CNN back in 2012:
I think that many people have
the mistaken impression that Congress regulates Wall Street. … The real truth
is that Wall Street regulates Congress.
He reiterated that sentiment
in a Democratic debate in October 2015:
We need to raise the public
consciousness. We need the American people to know what’s going on in
Washington in a way that today they do not know.
Bernie Sanders came to the
campaign trail effectively screaming, “No, we can’t.” No, we can’t—unless we
break the corporate chokehold on our democracy. No, we can’t—unless we muster a
popular uprising strong enough to transform the structure of our government.
If voters heed this call, if
we elect Bernie Sanders as our next president, we know it must also go beyond
“the Bern.” A president cannot overthrow core tenets of rotten policy without
the political muscle of Congress. As we gear up to vote, we must remember that
we’re voting not for one day, or for one year. We tried to let a president do
it by himself. This time, we need to give the president not only the White
House but a Congress to work with. Because no, we can’t. Not right now.
Sanders is of course no
shoo-in for the White House, or even the nomination. But even if we get a
President Clinton (or, heaven forbid, a President Trump), we’ve acknowledged
how deep our problems run and how we indeed need nothing short of a political
revolution.
Darlena Cunha is a former
television producer. She has written for Time, the Washington Post, The
Atlantic, the New York Times, McSweeney's and elsewhere.
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