Thursday, March 31, 2016

Trump and Clinton: Censoring the Unpalatable




















A virulent if familiar censorship is about to descend on the US election campaign. As the cartoon brute, Donald Trump, seems almost certain to win the Republican Party’s nomination, Hillary Clinton is being ordained both as the “women’s candidate” and the champion of American liberalism in its heroic struggle with the Evil One.
This is drivel, of course; Hillary Clinton leaves a trail of blood and suffering around the world and a clear record of exploitation and greed in her own country. To say so, however, is becoming intolerable in the land of free speech.
The 2008 presidential campaign of Barack Obama should have alerted even the most dewy-eyed. Obama based his “hope” campaign almost entirely on the fact of an African-American aspiring to lead the land of slavery. He was also “antiwar”.
Obama was never antiwar. On the contrary, like all American presidents, he was pro-war. He had voted for George W. Bush’s funding of the slaughter in Iraq and he was planning to escalate the invasion of Afghanistan. In the weeks before he took the presidential oath, he secretly approved an Israeli assault on Gaza, the massacre known as Operation Cast Lead. He promised to close the concentration camp at Guantanamo and did not. He pledged to help make the world “free from nuclear weapons” and did the opposite.
As a new kind of marketing manager for the status quo, the unctuous Obama was an inspired choice. Even at the end of his blood-spattered presidency, with his signature drones spreading infinitely more terror and death around the world than that ignited by jihadists in Paris and Brussels, Obama is fawned on as “cool” (the Guardian).
On March 23, CounterPunch published my article, “A World War has Begun: Break the Silence”.  As has been my practice for years, I then syndicated the piece across an international network, including Truthout.com, the liberal American website.  Truthout publishes some important journalism, not least Dahr Jamail’s outstanding corporate exposes.
Truthout rejected the piece because, said an editor, it had appeared on CounterPunch and had broken “guidelines”.  I replied that this had never been a problem over many years and I knew of no guidelines.
My recalcitrance was then given another meaning. The article was reprieved provided I submitted to a “review” and agreed to changes and deletions made by Truthout’s “editorial committee”. The result was the softening and censoring of my criticism of Hillary Clinton, and the distancing of her from Trump. The following was cut:
Trump is a media hate figure. That alone should arouse our scepticism. Trump’s views on migration are grotesque, but no more grotesque than David Cameron. It is not Trump who is the Great Deporter from the United States, but the Nobel Peace Prize winner Barack Obama … The danger to the rest of us is not Trump, but Hillary Clinton. She is no maverick. She embodies the resilience and violence of a system … As presidential election day draws near, Clinton will be hailed as the first female president, regardless of her crimes and lies– just as Barack Obama was lauded as the first black president and liberals swallowed his nonsense about “hope”.
The “editorial committee” clearly wanted me to water down my argument that Clinton represented a proven extreme danger to the world.  Like all censorship, this was unacceptable. Maya Schenwar, who runs Truthout, wrote to me that my unwillingness to submit my work to a “process of revision” meant she had to take it off her “publication docket”.  Such is the gatekeeper’s way with words.
At the root of this episode is an enduring unsayable. This is the need, the compulsion, of many liberals in the United States to embrace a leader from within a system that is demonstrably imperial and violent. Like Obama’s “hope”, Clinton’s gender is no more than a suitable facade.
This is an historical urge. In his 1859 essay “On Liberty,” to which modern liberals seem to pay unflagging homage, John Stuart Mill described the power of empire. “Despotism is a legitimate mode of government in dealing with barbarians,” he wrote, “provided the end be their improvement, and the means justified by actually effecting that end.” The “barbarians” were large sections of humanity of whom “implicit obedience” was required.
“It’s a nice and convenient myth that liberals are the peacemakers and conservatives the warmongers,” wrote the British historian Hywel Williams in 2001, “but the imperialism of the liberal way may be more dangerous because of its open ended nature – its conviction that it represents a superior form of life [while denying its] self righteous fanaticism.” He had in mind a speech by Tony Blair in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks, in which Blair promised to “reorder this world around us” according to his “moral values”. The carnage of a million dead in Iraq was the result.
Blair’s crimes are not unusual. Since 1945, some 69 countries — more than a third of the membership of the United Nations – have suffered some or all of the following. They have been invaded, their governments overthrown, their popular movements suppressed, their elections subverted and their people bombed. The historian Mark Curtis estimates the death toll in the millions. With the demise of the European empires, this has been the project of the liberal flame carrier, the “exceptional” United States, whose celebrated “progressive” president, John F Kennedy, according to new research, authorised the bombing of Moscow during the Cuban crisis in 1962.
“If we have to use force,” said Madeleine Albright, US secretary of state in the liberal administration of Bill Clinton and today a passionate campaigner for his wife, “it is because we are America. We are the indispensable nation. We stand tall. We see further into the future.”
One of Hillary Clinton’s most searing crimes was the destruction of Libya in 2011. At her urging, and with American logistical support, NATO, launched 9,700 “strike sorties” against Libya, according to its own records, of which more than a third were aimed at civilian targets. They included missiles with uranium warheads. See the photographs of the rubble of Misurata and Sirte, and the mass graves identified by the Red Cross. Read the UNICEF report on the children killed, “most [of them] under the age of ten”.
In Anglo-American scholarship, followed slavishly by the liberal media on both sides of the Atlantic, influential theorists known as “liberal realists” have long taught that liberal imperialists – a term they never use – are the world’s peace brokers and crisis managers, rather than the cause of a crisis. They have taken the humanity out of the study of nations and congealed it with a jargon that serves warmongering power. Laying out whole nations for autopsy, they have identified “failed states” (nations difficult to exploit) and “rogue states” (nations resistant to western dominance).
Whether or not the targeted regime is a democracy or dictatorship is irrelevant. In the Middle East, western liberalism’s collaborators have long been extremist Islamists, lately al-Qaeda, while cynical notions of democracy and human rights serve as rhetorical cover for conquest and mayhem — as in Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya, Syria, Yemen, Haiti, Honduras. See the record of those good liberals Bill and Hillary Clinton. Theirs is a standard to which Trump can only aspire.
[…]











QUARTZ Magazine – DiEM25’s plan to save the European Union from itself













After years of economic turmoil, a near-Grexit, a looming Brexit, and a refugee crisis that challenges the very principle of open borders, it’s safe to say that the European Union is struggling. According to Yanis Varoufakis, Greece’s unforgettable former minister of finance, the only way to stop the EU’s complete disintegration is to further democratize it: On Feb. 9, the fiery economist established a pan-European movement called DiEM25, aimed at bringing greater democracy and transparency to the EU. Supporters include Wikileaks founder Julian Assange, musician Brian Eno, philosopher Slavoj Žižek and MIT theorist Noam Chomsky. Varoufakis spoke to Quartz about his star-studded movement and how it hopes to fix the EU.

DiEM25 is not a political party. It’s not a think tank, organization or interest group—you call it a movement. What does that mean?

The idea for DiEM25 was born last summer, immediately after the crushing of the Athens Spring and Europe’s spectacular failure to respond in a united and humane way to the refugee crisis. In this sense, DiEM25 was our collective response to the realization that the European Union is at an advanced stage of disintegration, that this disintegration will only benefit misanthropy, xenophobia and toxic nationalism, and, finally, that the only way of preventing such frightful developments is by democratizing the EU’s institutions through the formation of a pan-European, cross-border movement that inspires into collective action democrats independently of whether they come from the Green, radical left, liberal or progressive conservative traditions.

As you say, DiEM25 is not a party. It is a cross-border movement providing the political infrastructure to Europe’s committed democrats to come together, independently of party affiliation or nationality, to have the conversation we need on how jointly and systematically to confront Europe’s systemic crisis. If and when a pan-European consensus emerges, I am sure it will find a way of expressing itself electorally in our different countries.

How do you make sure that the movement doesn’t only appeal to an intellectual left, but also engages the people who are actually losing their jobs or trying to offer humanitarian solutions to refugees?

This is a crucial question. If DiEM25 fails to appeal to the people on life’s barricades, it will simply wither. The answer is that DiEM25 came into being precisely because the people you refer to seem eager to be part of such a movement. A movement that offers an overarching narrative within which their private and communal trials and tribulations make sense. A movement within which they can invest their individual and collective energies towards some common European cause that makes their endeavors seem worthy, rather than in vain.

DiEM25 has been criticized for being too melodramatic and cynical in tone, and its agenda has been criticized for aiming too high. How do you answer that?

Criticism is the salt of the earth. DiEM25 is open to criticism, as long as it is well-meant and constructive. To answer this particular criticism, it is important to distinguish between the impassioned and the melodramatic, between the principled and the emotive.

As for the accusation of cynicism, it is our view that the cynicism is fully “owned” by the EU institutions, something I witnessed in person while observing the contempt with which the bureaucracy and the institutions treated real problems of real European citizens, as well as their democratic rights.

What is the first actual task on DiEM25’s agenda?

DiEM25 is organizing as a grassroots movement around six major themes, each of which will result in a DiEM25 Assembly. The six Assemblies will take place within 18 to 24 months and each will result in a DiEM25 Policy Paper. Together, these six Policy Papers will constitute DiEM’s Program for Europe. To ensure maximum participation in its creation, before each Assembly there will be many smaller meetings across Europe to discuss the Assembly’s themes, there will be petitions, interventions in the media, cultural events etc.

The first Assembly took place on March 21st to 23rd, in Rome, focusing on DiEM25’s Transparency in Europe, Now! campaign – click here to participate. Our petition demands that all EU-level decision-making be exposed to European citizens’ gaze, that meetings of the European Council, ECOFIN, Eurogroup, FTT, ESM etc. become accessible to Europeans, that all documents and protocols related to the crucial Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTiP) negotiations between the US and the EU, be uploaded on the Internet etc.

The other five DiEM25 Assemblies, that will follow after Rome, will focus on the themes that are already outlined in our Manifesto: (1) Imagining a democratic European Union Constitution, (2) Open Europe—Overcoming the fear of migrants and refugees, (3) Labor, its value and the distribution of income, (4) The European Green New Deal and Europe’s monetary system, (5) Green transition and Europe’s technological sovereignty.

There are very extreme positions on TTIP, from people who say its tariff cuts or reductions will be the saving grace for Europe’s economy and its job market, to others who believe that it will cut deeply into democracy and transparency and will infinitely empower corporations. The secrecy of its negotiation rounds certainly fed eurosceptics who always put forth the democratic deficit.

Will a potential Brexit influence the DiEM25 agenda?

It will be devastating for Europe and, as such, it cannot leave DiEM25 unaffected. If the LEAVE campaign win, Europe’s disintegration will speed up and, naturally, DiEM25 will have to re-assess the situation and, of course, its agenda and strategy. Having said that, my fear is that the British will vote to stay out of fear, not hope. This will be almost as terrible as Brexit.

You were very firm about refusing to accept more cuts superimposed by the Troika while you were the minister of finance in Greece, which ultimately resulted into you leaving office. What would you say to someone accusing you of not being able to compromise?

That there is a profound difference between a readiness to compromise (which I was putting on display in every negotiation) and a readiness to surrender to a misanthropic deal that would condemn my people to many more years of our Great Depression while guaranteeing that our real creditors (i.e. European taxpayers) would get less back than I was proposing.

Put simply, the only thing I was not willing to do is to be compromised by accepting more extend-and-pretend loans under conditions that guaranteed that Greece would not be able to repay them.

How does the refugee crisis not serve as a dismissive argument of the EU? Do you have an optimistic counter argument to offer to people who are ready to drop the European idea altogether?

There is no doubt that the refugee crisis is a blot on the EU’s record. Future generations of Europeans will feel embarrassed and saddened by Europe’s current moral and political failure to respond humanely to this humanitarian crisis. But would things improve if we allowed this highly problematic EU to implode? My answer is that, no, they would not.



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About yanisv
Professor of Economics at the University of Athens















Hillary Clinton's Pandering Speech to AIPAC conference




















Tuesday, March 29, 2016

Monday, March 28, 2016