Thursday, March 24, 2016
Bernie Sanders Is Currently Winning the Democratic Primary Race, and I’ll Prove It to You
Seth Abramson Assistant
Professor of English at University of New Hampshire; Series Co-Editor, Best
American Experimental Writing
Nobody cares how well a
politician does at the ballot box when he or she is running for an office
unopposed. What matters is how a politician performs in contested primaries and
general elections, as when it really matters — like it will, for instance, this
November — you can be certain of a contested election.
With that said, let’s make an
important observation: Bernie Sanders has tied or beaten Hillary Clinton in a
majority of the actively contested votes this election season.
You doubt it? Okay, let me
explain.
Bernie Sanders has terrible
name recognition in states where he hasn’t advertised or campaigned yet;
meanwhile, Hillary Clinton has universal name recognition everywhere. Realizing
this, the Clinton camp pushed hard to rack up the early vote in every state
where early voting was an option. They did this not primarily for the reason
we’ve been told — because Clinton performs well among older voters, and older
voters are more likely to vote early than other age demographics — but rather
because they knew that early votes are almost always cast before the election season
actually begins in a given state.
That’s right — in each state,
most of the early primary voting occurs before the candidates have aired any
commercials or held any campaign events. For Bernie Sanders, this means that
early voting happens, pretty much everywhere, before anyone knows who he is.
Certainly, early voting occurs in each state before voters have developed a
sufficient level of familiarity and comfort with Sanders to vote for him.
But on Election Day — among
voters who’ve been present and attentive for each candidate’s commercials,
local news coverage, and live events — Sanders tends to tie or beat Clinton.
In fact, that’s the real
reason Sanders does well in caucuses.
It’s not because caucuses
“require a real time investment,” as the media likes to euphemistically say,
but because caucuses require that you vote on Election Day rather than well
before it.
Consider: in North Carolina,
Hillary Clinton only won Election Day voting 52% to 48%. Given the shenanigans
in evidence during the live voting there — thousands of college students were
turned away from the polls due to insufficient identification under a new
voter-suppression statute in the state — it wouldn’t be unfair to call that
4-point race more like a 2-point one (51% to 49% for Clinton).
Consider: on Super Tuesday 3,
because early voting is always reported first, Clinton’s margins of victory
were originally believed to be 25 points in Missouri, 30 points in Illinois,
and 30 points in Ohio. Missouri, which doesn’t have conventional early voting,
ended up a tie. Illinois ended up with a 1.8% margin for Clinton (after being a
42-point race in Clinton’s favor just a week earlier) and Ohio a 13.8% margin.
Any one of us could do the
math there. And yet the media never did.
Consider: in Arizona
yesterday, the election was called almost immediately by the media, with
Clinton appearing to “win” the state by a margin of 61.5% to 36.1%. Of course,
this was all early voting. CNN even wrongly reported that these early votes
constituted the live vote in 41% of all Arizona precincts — rather than merely
mail-in votes constituting a percentage of the total projected vote in the
state — which allowed most Americans to go to bed believing both that Clinton
had won Arizona by more than 25 points and that that margin was the result of
nearly half of Arizona’s precincts reporting their live-voting results. Neither
was true.
In fact, as of the time of
that 61.5% to 36.1% “win,” not a single precinct in Arizona had reported its
Election Day results.
Indeed, more than two and a
half hours after polls closed in Arizona, officials there had counted only
54,000 of the estimated 431,000 Election Day ballots.
That’s about 12%.
So how did Bernie Sanders do
on Election Day in Arizona?
As of the writing of this
essay (2:45 AM ET), Sanders was leading Clinton in Election Day voting in
Arizona 50.2% to 49.8%, with just under 75,000 votes (about 17.3% of all
Election Day votes) counted.
So imagine, for a moment, that
early votes were reported to the media last rather than first. Which, of
course, they quite easily could be, given that they’re less — rather than more
— reflective of the actual state of opinion on Election Day. Were early votes
reported last rather than first, Arizona as of 2:45 AM ET would have been
considered not only too close to call but a genuine nail-biter. In fact, only
400 or so Election Day votes were separating the two Democratic candidates at
that point — though the momentum with each new vote counted was quite clearly
in Sanders’ favor.
So the question becomes, why
does any of this matter? Does the point being made here — that Bernie Sanders
is as or more popular than Hillary in both all the states he won and many of
the states he didn’t — gain Sanders a single delegate? Does it move him one
inch closer to being President?
No.
What it does do is explain why
the Clinton-Sanders race is a 5-point race nationally — just a hair from being
a statistical tie, given the margin of error — despite the media treating
Clinton’s nomination as a foregone conclusion.
What it does do is explain how
Clinton is “beating” Sanders among American voters despite having a -13
favorability rating nationally, as compared to Sanders’ +11 rating. That
dramatic difference is possible because in favorability polling, pollsters only
count voters who say they know enough about a candidate to form an opinion.
That eliminates the sort of “early voters” who cast ballots for Hillary Clinton
before having much of a handle on who Bernie Sanders is.
And what it does do is explain
why Sanders outperforms Clinton against Donald Trump in nearly every state
where head-to-head general-election polling data is available. While some of
this is undoubtedly due to the fact that Sanders beats Clinton by between 30
and 40 points among Independents — itself a major warning sign for a Clinton
candidacy this fall — the rest is explained by the fact that when voters come
to know Bernie Sanders as well as they already know Hillary Clinton and Donald
Trump, they tend to prefer him to these two by clear margins.
The Hillary camp, and Hillary
supporters, are justly excited about how their candidate is performing in the
delegate horse-race. The problem is that that excitement is quickly becoming
the sort of arrogance that will in fact endanger Hillary’s candidacy for
President. Both she and her team — including all her millions of supporters —
should consider the fact that Hillary does not, outside the deep-red Deep
South, do particularly well among voters when they’re given any other
reasonable alternative. The fact that early voting statutes and media reporting
of elections in America favors the maintenance of the illusion that Hillary
remains popular when voters become familiar with other credible options does
not excuse ignorance of the reality; certainly, it won’t help Democrats in
November.
And given that a demagogue
like Donald Trump is the likely Republican nominee, that’s a scary thought for
many Americans. Sanders voters should want — and most do want — a Clinton
campaign that understands its weaknesses sufficiently to ameliorate them in a
general election, should Clinton be the Democratic nominee. Right now that’s
clearly not happening, and the national media is unfortunately enabling the
persistence and expansion of these troubling blind-spots.
Finally, we’d be remiss if we
didn’t talk about super-delegates. These are folks who are supposed to be
supporting whichever candidate has the best chance of winning in November. We
already know, per head-to-head general-election polling, that the better
candidate to run against Donald Trump is Bernie Sanders; however, many
super-delegates (and most of the media) dismiss general election polling this
early on, even though Sanders’ commanding lead over Trump is clearly
statistically relevant. (This is especially true given that his name
recognition lags well behind Trump’s.)
But what about the argument,
implicitly being made to super-delegates now, and likely to be made to them
explicitly in Philadelphia this summer, that Bernie Sanders has, broadly
speaking, out-performed Hillary Clinton in Election Day voting? Given that
Election Day voting in the spring is the very same sort of high-information
voting that will occur in November, you’d think super-delegates would be quite
interested to know that, in live voting, Bernie Sanders beats Hillary Clinton
more often than not.
Seth Abramson is the Series
Editor for Best American Experimental Writing (Wesleyan University) and the
author, most recently, of DATA (BlazeVOX, 2016).
Follow Seth Abramson on
Twitter: www.twitter.com/sethabramson
Sunday, March 20, 2016
Thursday, March 17, 2016
Bernie Sanders Had a Phenomenal Night — Here’s Why
Tom Cahill
| March 16, 2016
Despite Bernie Sanders losing
all five states in last night’s primary contests, he’s within striking distance
of Hillary Clinton. And if Sanders wins the upcoming Western primaries, he
could erase Clinton’s lead and become the new front-runner for the nomination.
At the end of the night,
Hillary Clinton increased her delegate lead by about 100, still leaving Sanders
plenty of room to eliminate her advantage in the 24 remaining states. A
candidate needs 2,383 delegates to clinch the Democratic nomination, and as of
March 16, Clinton only has 1,139 delegates to Sanders’ 825. Less than
half of the pledged delegates have been selected thus far.
All of the states most
favorable to Clinton have already voted, including the entire deep south, and
the states most favorable to Sanders are still on the calendar. If anyone
should be worried about their chances at the nomination waning over time, it’s
Hillary Clinton.
Furthermore, it’s most
important to note that going into these favorable states, Bernie
Sanders only needs 58% of the remaining pledged delegates. And considering
he picked up 67.7% of the vote in Kansas, 64.3% in Maine, and a thundering
86.1% in his home state of Vermont — shutting out Clinton entirely from the 15%
delegate threshold — this is not as impossible as the doomsayers predict.
He also squeaked above the 58%
figure with 59% of the vote in Colorado and 61.6% in Minnesota, and he scored a
respectable 57.1% in Nebraska. He received 60% back in New Hampshire and
has come in virtual ties in many other states outside of the South thus far,
meaning he’s beaten the target a total of six times.
Sanders also continued to
bolster his argument for electability in the general in tonight’s
contests. Among groups that hold special significance in general elections,
like young voters and independents, Sanders performed particularly well. For
example, 70 percent of independents in Illinois voted for Sanders
over Clinton. And despite Clinton pulling out a narrow win in Illinois, Sanders
still won the under-45 bloc by a vast margin:
http://twitter.com/CBSPolitics/status/709942645943050240/photo/1?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw
What all this means is that
Bernie Sanders is still well within striking distance of the nomination as more
Sanders-friendly states take to the polls throughout the Spring. The primary
season is only halfway over, and the remaining states are overwhelmingly favorable
to Sanders in that they’re blue states with large populations of
Democratic-leaning independents and voters under 45.
In fact, out of the 17 states
Sanders has lost, it’s important to remember that Barack Obama still beat
Hillary Clinton in 2008 despite losing 21 states. Florida and Ohio, which Clinton won last
night, also went for Clinton in 2008. According to New York Times election
results, Clinton beat Obama in Florida by 17 points. She also beat Obama in Ohio by a 10-point margin in 2008. Sanders’ loss in those states
isn’t that devastating in context.
Nationally-renowned pollster
Nate Silver carved out a path for Sanders to win the nomination,
showing which states the Vermont senator had to win, and by what margins, to
remain competitive. Silver doesn’t list Delaware and Maryland as must-win
states for Sanders, meaning he could theoretically lose those states and two
others while still remaining competitive throughout the remainder of the
primary season.
If Sanders and Clinton are
neck-and-neck in national polls, Sanders can still win the nomination if he
wins the upcoming Western contests by comfortable margins. Many of the Western
states are caucuses, where Sanders traditionally does well. Three of Sanders’
last four landslide victories — Kansas,
Maine,
and Nebraska —
are caucus states. While Western states are traditionally polling deserts at
this stage, donations from certain geographical regions help shine a light on
how favorable the West is for Sanders. it should be noted that six of the top 10 cities that donate the most money per capita to the
Sanders campaign are in Western states that have yet to vote:
Graphic from the Seattle Times
U.S. Rep. Alan Grayson, a
Florida superdelegate who has endorsed Sanders, explained in a recent
Huffington Post blog that the second half of this primary season — after March
15 — could be referred to as “Presidential Primary Version 2.0.” Grayson agrees
that Sanders’ best states are in the months to come:
Democratic presidential
primary 2.0 elects a total of 2033 pledged delegates. If Bernie Sanders wins
those races (and delegates) by the same 60-40 margin that he has amassed in
primaries and caucuses outside the “Old South” to date, then that will give him
an advantage of 407 pledged delegates. That is more — far more — than the
current Clinton margin of 223. [Ed. Note — Margin is now 314, but the math
still works out. Again, Sanders’ target is about 58%.]
Almost 700 pledged delegates
are chosen on June 7 alone. It seems unlikely that either candidate will
accumulate a margin of 700 pledged delegates before then. So this one may come
down to the wire.
Fasten your seat belts. It’s
going to be a wild ride.
Tom Cahill is a writer for US
Uncut based in the Pacific Northwest. He specializes in coverage of political,
economic, and environmental news. You can contact Tom via email at
tom.v.cahill@gmail.com.
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