Friday, April 2, 2021

Striking nurses at St. Vincent Hospital starved of strike pay by MNA





https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2021/04/01/vinc-m31.html




Ben Oliver
14 hours ago







Nurses at St. Vincent Hospital in Worcester, Massachusetts, are in the fourth week of an open-ended strike, demanding safe staffing ratios. Having walked out on March 8, 10 days after issuing management a strike notice, they have sacrificed nearly four weeks of pay.

The Dallas, Texas-based corporate owner, Tenet Healthcare, has so far spent $22 million for strikebreakers, public relations, and police details, and recently installed surveillance towers, in what has become a one-sided war of attrition, as the Massachusetts Nurses Association (MNA) union seeks to isolate and wear down nurses, depriving them of strike pay.
Nurses on the picket line at St. Vincent Hospital in Worcester, Massachusetts (Credit: MNA Facebook)



Staffing ratios have long been the main concern for nurses and ancillary staff at St. Vincent, and indeed for health care workers across the country. For the St. Vincent nurses, the medical-surgical nurse-to-patient ratio is of critical concern. Among their main demands, St. Vincent nurses are seeking a fixed maximum ratio of four-to-one, and the creation of two “floating” units of nurses to be able to respond to crises. The reduction from a ratio of five-to-one to four-to-one has been demonstrated to result in lower patient mortality.

Mandated ratios and adequate staffing are anathema to a health care model built on profit. Well before the arrival of the novel coronavirus, hospital administrators, business degrees in hand, honed the art of flexing staff off to maximize profit, “optimally” providing the least amount of care possible.

Even during the initial surge of COVID-19, when intensive care units (ICUs) were being overrun by a flood of patients succumbing to the highly contagious respiratory disease, St. Vincent, like so many other hospital systems, furloughed staff because profitable elective procedures had to be cancelled. In a rational health care system, a highly contagious and deadly respiratory disease would call for all hands on deck.

Facing a less profitable outlook from the lack of the initial decline in elective procedures, Tenet Healthcare nevertheless received hundreds of millions of dollars from the CARES Act. Meanwhile, nurses had to furnish personal protective equipment (PPE) for themselves, stocking up on garbage bags and raincoats as makeshift gowns. In one Dickensian episode, nurses who provided their own bonnets were confronted by angry administrators who demanded they be removed because other nurses would want their own.

With ancillary staff furloughed, nurses were given portable phones and expected to act as unit secretaries. Even as they were setting up an extra ICU for overflow on their own initiative, they were expected to take on the cleaning duties of housekeepers. The burdensome work, additional duties, austere conditions, and callous management, all in the midst of the worst public health crisis they had ever faced, pushed medical surgical nurses and their colleagues, some of whom were recent graduates, to the breaking point. They demanded a strike.

Health care is the largest industry in Massachusetts, and collectively, nurses and their colleagues can be a powerful force. However, as demonstrated by the health care worker struggles in New York, Illinois, Pennsylvania, and California in the past year alone, the St. Vincent nurses, who are compassionate and selfless professionals, can place no confidence in the union that purportedly represents them.

The Massachusetts Nurses Association counts 123,000 nurses as members and has 77 bargaining units. While dozens of MNA officials make six-figure salaries, the union does not maintain a dedicated strike fund to compensate members. For roughly $100 in monthly dues, nurses are left with an Emergency Relief Strike Fund, to which they must apply to receive funds. In a wholly inadequate move, the MNA has set up a Venmo account to help younger nurses with children to purchase items such as baby formula and diapers. While their adversary can fall back on hundreds of millions in taxpayer dollars, the nurses of St. Vincent will have soon given up a month of their annual salary.

Rather than mobilizing their tens of thousands of other members in Massachusetts or appealing for support from around the country, the MNA has predictably sought to promote illusions in the Democrats, this party of Wall Street and big business. Democratic Senators Elizabeth Warren and Edward Markey and Representative Jim McGovern were brought by the MNA to the picket line earlier in March, allowed to posture as the friends of striking nurses. However, the reality is that the Democratic Party has been no less complicit in the attacks on health care in the US than their Republican counterparts.

For the nurses to be successful, they must take the struggle out of the hands of the MNA, and should organize a rank-and-file strike committee independent of both the union and the Democratic Party. Such a committee would appeal for the broadest possible mobilization of workers—including striking steelworkers in Pennsylvania and grad student workers in New York City, educators, Amazon workers, and others—in a fight for decent working conditions, fully funded and high-quality universal health care, and more.




Australian government announces missile building program as US steps up war drive against China





https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2021/04/01/miss-a01.html




Oscar Grenfell
13 hours ago







Prime Minister Scott Morrison yesterday announced that his government would begin a $1 billion program to build missiles in Australia, for the first time since the 1960s, in close collaboration with the US administration of President Joseph Biden.

The project was foreshadowed last June, when Morrison’s government unveiled a massive $270 billion spend on military hardware over this decade, taking total military expenditure to $575 billion in the next 10 years. At the time, emphasis was placed on the acquisition of missiles and other strike capabilities from abroad, including the purchase last year of 200 long-range, anti-ship missiles from the US.
US soldiers mount a refurbished nuclear warhead on to the top of a Minuteman III intercontinental ballistic missile. [Credit: AP Photo/Eric Draper]



Yesterday, however, the government declared that it would “accelerate” the creation of a “Sovereign Guided Weapons Enterprise.” This would encompass the establishment of a missile production facility and other military hardware development, spelt out in a “Defence National Manufacturing Priority roadmap,” which also calls for the construction of unmanned drones.

A government press release, detailing the plans, pointed to the dangers of supply chain disruptions, stemming from events such as the COVID-19 pandemic, and escalating trade war conflicts as motivating factors for the haste of the project, as well as what was vaguely described as a “changing global environment.”

Defence Minister Peter Dutton, who was only installed in the post this week, as part of a broader Cabinet reshuffle, was more explicit. “The manufacturing and supply of weapons in Australia will not only benefit and enhance our ADF operational capacity, but will ensure we have adequate supply of weapon stock holdings to sustain combat operations if global supply chains are disrupted,” he stated.

In other words, the project is part of preparations for a major war, and not in the distant future. The clear target is China.

In the first two months of his presidency, Biden has ratcheted up a conflict with Beijing, which was initiated by Obama and further accelerated under the Trump administration. Biden is inflaming regional flashpoints, especially Taiwan, waging a hypocritical campaign over Chinese human rights violations and engaging in “alliance building” aimed at furthering the encirclement of China.

Over recent weeks, this has included a push by the US for the stationing of offensive missiles, previously banned by the Intermediate Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty, within striking distance of China, including in Japan and Taiwan. Biden officials have also hailed Taiwan’s initiation of its own missile building program, at the same time as they have forecast a possible war between China and the island state within the next five years.

Dutton’s comments made clear that the Australian missile build is part and parcel of this broader offensive.

The latest announcement, he said, flowed out of AUSMIN talks last July, between Australian government ministers and top US representatives, including Trump’s anti-China hawk Mike Pompeo, who was then secretary of state. And now, Dutton stated, “We will work closely with the United States on this important initiative to ensure that we understand how our enterprise can best support both Australia’s needs and the growing needs of our most important military partner.”

Morrison formally launched the program at US arms manufacturer Raytheon’s Joint Centre for Integration in Adelaide. He also announced a $111 million “sustainment” fund for the US company, which is preparing to produce its own National Advanced Surface-to-Air Missile System in Australia, as part of a separate project.

To signal the speed of the missile build, Morrison declared, “we are bringing 2045 forward to now.”

Those corporate journalists present did not ask a single question about the purpose of the project or the danger of war, but focused entirely on repeatedly demanding to know where the new facility would be located. This was in line with the government’s attempts to present the planned missile facility as a driver of “job creation,” even though ministers have stated that a maximum of 2,000 people, most with expertise in the weapons sector, will be given employment.

Morrison, however, volunteered the broader agenda, declaring, “we have augmented what our broader strategic outlook is, and that involved bringing forward the capability for longer-range strike and that’s what this capability is about.” This was part of a “coordinated and comprehensive plan” that “meshes together with our alliance partners as well, particularly the United States…”

The PM placed the missile project in the context of recent steps towards formalising the “Quad,” a de facto alliance of the most powerful militaries in the Pacific, the US, Japan, India and Australia, directed against China. In US and Australian think-tanks, the consolidation of the alliance is presented as a key step towards preparing for conflict.

Arms companies, including Raytheon and BAE will now bid for a government contract for the facility, which is slated to produce long and medium-range missiles, and could transition to the next generation of weapons in the sector. Australia has already partnered with the US to test and develop air-launched hypersonic cruise missiles, that fly eight times faster than the speed of sound.

The missile project and its implications have received scant attention in the official press. This is all the more striking, given the description of the plan by Greg Sheridan, the foreign editor of the Murdoch-owned Australian newspaper, who has extensive connections to the US and Australian military and intelligence establishments.

Sheridan this morning insisted that, “The Morrison government’s decision to establish a missile manufacturing industry is one of our nation’s most important strategic decisions in decades.” It was necessary to be “watchful of the distance between announcement and delivery,” but for the first time in fifteen years, the defence ministry was proceeding with “real urgency.”

The project, Sheridan stated, increases Australia’s “ability to hit any potential enemy and to keep it at a distance, and our ability to support the US militarily if necessary in this region.”

Sheridan called for the government to press ahead with its crisis-ridden project of building 12 Attack Class submarines, but made clear that he was forecasting conflict far-sooner than 2034, when they are slated to be operational. “Bureaucrats and certain types of military planners are always dreaming of technology two generations away, because they have no sense at all that they could face a crisis tomorrow,” Sheridan wrote.

In an article a week ago, which was clearly part of the discussion leading up to the announcement, Sheridan advocated a rapid build-up of military capabilities for imminent war. “[L]ast year the government announced we were going to buy from the 200 US long-range anti-ship missiles. That’s a good purchase. But it’s a tiny number. If a conflict starts at 9am on a Monday, 200 missiles should get us through to morning tea on Thursday. After that we’re stuffed.”

Representatives of the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, a hawkish think-tank funded by the Australian and American governments and arms manufacturers, also welcomed the announcement. One was asked on 3AW Radio whether there would be a war between China and Taiwan within five years, responding that this was probable, adding: “If the United States then intervenes to assist Taiwan, it would be highly likely that Australia would assist the United States in that scenario.”

The Labor Party opposition fully supports these plans for a catastrophic war, with its leader Anthony Albanese declaring yesterday: “Australia does need to be more resilient when it comes to our defence, and this announcement is part of that. This is a bipartisan issue.” At its just concluded national conference, Labor passed a series of resolutions, denouncing China and promoting the pretexts for US-led aggression against it.

It was the Labor government of Prime Minister Julia Gillard, who, in 2011, placed Australia on the frontline of the US war drive against China. Gillard hosted Obama, as he announced the “pivot to Asia,” which included a massive US military build-up in the Asia-Pacific, from the floor of the Australian parliament. She signed a series of agreements, including for the establishment of a new US military base in the northern city of Darwin.

Australia is to play a crucial role in a US conflict with China, centring on cutting off Chinese supply lines that pass through the sea lanes of South East Asia and the Pacific, and operating as a “southern anchor” for US offensive operations against the Chinese mainland. The missile program is part of those strategic plans.

These preparations, which have the support of the entire political and media establishment, are being conducted behind the backs of the population.

For the past six weeks, official Australian politics has centred on diversionary sexual misconduct scandals, involving the Morrison government. Corporate journalists have poured over the details and sharply condemned the response of the government to the various allegations. Not one of them has voiced a word of opposition, or even criticism, over the increasingly evident preparations for war.




Brutal assault on female Filipino immigrant captured on security camera in New York City





https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2021/04/01/nyc-a01.html




Kevin Reed
13 hours ago







On Monday, a 65-year-old female Filipino immigrant who has lived in the US for decades was attacked and brutally beaten near Times Square in Manhattan in broad daylight.

Family members reported that Vilma Kari was in the hospital recovering from a fractured pelvis and contusions on her body and forehead after she was kicked in the chest to the ground and repeatedly stomped in the head by a man who shouted an obscenity and then said, “You don’t belong here,” according to New York City police.
Image from the apartment building security camera footage showing the assault on Vilma Kari in Manhattan on Monday [Credit: NYPD News]



The man, 33-year-old Brandon Elliott, was arrested and charged with felony assault as a hate crime on Wednesday. He was identified after an image of his face was copied from nearby security camera footage and shared on social media.

Elliot was reported by police to be on lifetime parole upon his release in 2019 after serving 17 years in prison for the fatal stabbing of his mother. According to the Manhattan District Attorney’s office, Elliott faces up to 25 years in prison if convicted for the assault.

The entire attack was recorded on a video from the lobby of a luxury apartment building in Midtown Manhattan at approximately 11:40 a.m. The video had been viewed more than 625,000 times by the time of this writing.

The low-resolution video shows several men inside the apartment building witnessing the attack without coming to the aid of Ms. Kari either during or after the assault. A security guard is seen closing the front door of the building as the victim struggled to get up from the sidewalk and, after several minutes, stepped outside to see what happened before others appeared on the scene.

The assault on Monday in New York City is the latest in the alarming growth of violent attacks against Asians in the US over the past year. Research released by Stop AAPI Hate (Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders) last week shows that there were 3,800 racist incidents—including verbal harassment, shunning and violence—primarily against Asian women between March 2020 and February 2021.

Significantly, the data shows that of these incidents, more than two-thirds have occurred in the past five months and women report incidents more than 2 times more often than men. Approximately 7 percent of the cases (more than 250 instances) the victims of the hate were either coughed or spit upon by the assailants.

Additional data maintained by California State University at Santa Barbara’s Center for the Study of Hate and Extremism shows that anti-Asian hate crimes increased between 2019 and 2020 in fifteen US cities including San Francisco, San Jose, Seattle, Boston, Los Angeles and New York City. While all of these cities have large Asian populations, New York City is by far the largest and with both the most instances of hate crimes (28) and the largest increase between 2019 and 2020 (nearly ten times).

New York Police Department (NYPD) received that 33 complaints about anti-Asian hate crimes in the first three months of 2021, already surpassing the total number of 28 reported last year. NYPD said that these numbers do not reflect the real scale of the problem with many cases going unreported for a host of reasons such as language barriers and distrust of law enforcement.

NYPD also said the victims of most assaults are middle-aged Asian men and women who were alone on the streets or public transit and the attackers tended to be homeless people and individuals who have prior arrests as well as behavioral or emotional conditions.

The attack on Ms. Kari followed the publication of a video on TikTok the same day of an Asian man being brutally beaten on a subway train by another passenger. This event is still under investigation.

Whatever the immediate individual causes of the attacks, the fact of the increasing manifestations of discrimination, hatred and assault is directly related to the deliberate stirring up of anti-Asian sentiments by the political establishment and corporate media over the coronavirus pandemic and the intensifying global conflicts between the US and China. The pursuit of anti-Chinese politics is being pursued by the Democrats and Republicans alike as well as the so-called “conservative” and “liberal” media.

For example, on March 26, Republican Ohio Lieutenant Governor Jon Husted tweeted, “So it appears it was the Wuhan Virus after all?” with a link to a news report on Axios which quoted a statement by former Center for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) Director Robert Redfield on CNN that day. Redfield said on CNN, “I’m of the point of view that I still think the most likely etiology of this pathology in Wuhan was from a laboratory.” Redfield added that the virus “escaped” from the Wuhan Institute of Virology as early as September or October of 2019, although he readily admitted he had no scientific evidence to back up the assertion.

The Axios report did little to clarify the issue, saying only that the World Health Organization (WHO) had said that it was “extremely unlikely” that the COVID-19 virus escaped from the Wuhan lab and then repeating the statement of the Biden administration that it had “deep concerns” about the WHO investigation and was demanding “transparency from Beijing.”

Following public outrage over Husted’s Twitter provocation that further encourages anti-Asian sentiments, the Lieutenant Governor doubled down on his comment on Wednesday getting to the crux of the political position of both governing parties in Washington DC, “To be clear, the tweet above referred only to the Chinese GOVERNMENT. A government of oppression that imprisons people of faith, silences dissenters and the media, manipulates its currency and steals our technology.”

On Monday, the Washington Post published an article on the WHO-China report stating, “the findings are far from conclusive and will be overshadowed by questions about China’s lack of transparency—and the WHO’s apparent inability to press for more.” Here the position of the Democratic Party-affiliated Post is indistinguishable from that of right-wing Republicans such as Husted.

There is widespread public outrage in the US against the expanding attacks on Asian-Americans and growing demands for equality and the defense of the democratic rights of all people regardless of ethnic or national origin. As explained here on the World Socialist Web Site, the “Wuhan lab” lie is connected to the geopolitical aims of American imperialism and is a central aspect of the Biden administration’s military escalation against China. Anti-Asian prejudice and all forms of racialist chauvinism are rooted in world capitalism and can only be defeated on the basis of the socialist unity of the international working class.




Bolsonaro sacks military command to consolidate authoritarian rule in Brazil





https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2021/04/01/braz-a01.html




Tomas Castanheira
13 hours ago







In an action without precedent in the history of Brazil, the country’s fascistic President Jair Bolsonaro has fired his defense minister along with the uniformed commanders of the Army, Navy and Air Force. His unconcealed aim is to secure a total grip over the state in preparation for dictatorial measures against the working class under conditions of a catastrophic worsening of the COVID-19 pandemic and a deepening social and political crisis in Brazil.
Brazilian President Jair Bolsonao and Army commander Gen. Edson Pujol (Credit: AgênciaBrasil)



Bolsonaro’s conflict with the top echelons of the military has emerged in the context of his increasingly strident demands for a complete subordination of the Armed Forces to his government’s political agenda, in particular his genocidal herd immunity policy in relation to the COVID-19 pandemic. On the same day as the wholesale change in the senior command of the armed forces, Brazil set a record of 3,668 COVID-19 deaths, as its health care system confronts a nationwide collapse.

On different occasions in recent weeks, Bolsonaro has promoted a confrontation with any social distancing measures implemented by state and municipal governments in response to the record rise in COVID-19 infections and deaths. “My Army is not going into the streets to force people to stay at home,” he declared

On Monday, the government announced a cabinet reshuffle affecting six ministries, including the Government Secretariat, the Chief of Staff, Foreign Affairs, Defense, Justice, and the Office of the Attorney General. Defense Minister Gen. Fernando Azevedo e Silva was replaced by Gen. Braga Netto, who previously served as Bolsonaro’s chief of staff. After a brief meeting with Bolsonaro, Azevedo e Silva agreed to resign, although he was in fact fired by the president.

In his resignation letter, the general stated that as head of the defense ministry, “I preserved the Armed Forces as state institutions,” suggesting that after his removal, this may no longer prove the case.
Brazil's ousted military chiefs: Edson Pujol (Army), Ilques Barbosa (Navy) and Antônio Carlos Moretti Bermudez (Air Force) (Credit: AgênciaBrasil)



The commanders’ resignations were announced by Braga Netto as soon as he took over the defense ministry on Tuesday morning. The former commander of the Air Force, Antonio Carlos Moretti Bermudez, published a video following the meeting, with a statement that adopted the same theme as Azevedo e Silva. Bermudez declared that he worked for the Air Force as a “state institution” and for the “sovereignty of what is ours: the airspace.”

Tuesday was also marked by an offensive on the part of Bolsonaro’s allies in the House of Representatives. The leader of the Social Liberal Party (PSL) in the House, Major Vitor Hugo, tried to force a vote on a bill that defines public health emergencies—such as the COVID-19 pandemic— as a motive for decreeing a National Mobilization.

National Mobilizations, which today can be decreed in cases of war, allow the president to intervene in production at public and private companies and subject both civilians and military personnel to his orders. It represents a major concentration of power in the president’s hands. Even right-wing figures within the House defined the proposal as a “coup” attempt.

Bolsonaro’s unprecedented shakeup of his cabinet and the military high command was carried out on the eve of Wednesday’s 57th anniversary of Brazil’s 1964 US-backed military coup. Braga Netto’s first act as defense minister was to publish a military order of the day calling for the celebration of that political crime, which ushered in two decades of brutal dictatorship.

The order promoted the lie that the military coup was part of a “1964 movement” in response to a “real threat to peace and democracy.” This cynical “Bolsonarite” fantasy casts the coup as beginning with a popular movement in the streets that ended up being supported by the Brazilian ruling class and its state, with the armed forces “facing wear and tear” to “guarantee the democratic freedoms we enjoy today.”

In fact, the 1964 coup was directly engineered and promoted by US imperialism and the Brazilian ruling class. It was not the military that suffered “wear and tear,” but rather the tens of thousands of workers and students that it killed and tortured during the bloody dictatorship that lasted 21 years.

The order, which was read aloud to military personnel in barracks across Brazil on Wednesday morning, is directed at drawing fascistic lessons from this history. It states: “The current geopolitical scenario presents new challenges, such as environmental issues, cyber threats, food security, and pandemics. The Armed Forces are present, on the front lines, protecting the population.”

It is urgent that the Brazilian working class draw its own political lessons from this defeat. Arming itself politically against the increasingly dictatorial methods of the capitalist class is a matter of life and death.

In 1964, the political subordination of the workers to the bourgeois nationalist government of João Goulart, promoted by the Stalinist Communist Party, was instrumental in disarming working class resistance to the coup.

In 1985, when the dictatorship was officially ended, the political forces linked to the Workers Party (PT) worked for a smooth transition to a civilian bourgeois regime, opposing the “persecution” of the military and civilian officials responsible for the barbaric crimes committed against the working class. The political lie that this path represented a settling of accounts with the legacy of military dictatorship has been laid bare by Bolsonaro’s emergence from this political setup.

Today, the same forces historically behind these political betrayals seek to blind the working class to the imminent dangers of the current situation.

Different pseudo-left groups, especially the political heirs of Argentine revisionist Nahuel Moreno, have drawn the same conclusion from the events of the past week: “nothing to see here, move along.”

One of the most grotesque formulations was drawn by Valerio Arcary, one of the main leaders of the former Morenoite organization Convergencia Socialista, who held leading posts in the PT. Today, at the head of the “Resistance” tendency within the Socialism and Freedom Party (PSOL), Arcary ridiculed those who are “on the verge of a nervous breakdown” over Bolsonaro’s dictatorial actions, bluntly declaring: “What happened with the ministerial reform is not the antechamber of a self-coup in preparation. ... Big capital does not support a subversion of the regime.”

The same essential political view is held by the Morenoites of the Revolutionary Workers Movement (MRT), linked to the Argentine Socialist Workers Party (PTS). On their website, Esuqerda Diário, they describe Bolsonaro as without support within the military and “harried” by the center-right parties. The site advocates “a more sober conclusion than the analyses that exaggerate Bolsonaro’s coup plot at a moment of clear weakening and disintegration of his bases of support.”

The middle class complacency of these pseudo-left groups, stemming from their unshakable confidence in the eternal stability of the capitalist state, merit only contempt. Bolsonaro’s threats should be taken with the utmost seriousness by the Brazilian working class.

The political reality in Brazil is determined by the profound crisis of the world capitalist system, which is causing the breakdown of bourgeois democracies all over the world, and pushing the ruling class in every country toward dictatorial methods. The January 6 coup in the United States, openly hailed by Bolsonaro and closely followed by his son, Eduardo Bolsonaro, is the most acute expression of this international political shift.

The COVID-19 pandemic has raised the fundamental contradictions of capitalism to an explosive level. The brutal increase in social inequality, the devastating effects of the coronavirus throughout Brazil and the dead-end crisis of Brazilian capitalism are the objective driving forces of Bolsonaro’s coup plotting.

However, these same objective factors are creating the conditions for a powerful revolutionary movement of the working class in Brazil and around the world. The working class in Brazil cannot allow another fascist military coup. It must arm itself politically to prevent one.

The struggle against the threat of dictatorship must be joined with the fight to halt the COVID-19 pandemic, and to resolve the social crisis affecting millions of workers. The decisive question in preparing for the coming wave of revolutionary upheavals is the building of a socialist and internationalist leadership in the working class—that is, a Brazilian section of the International Committee of the Fourth International.




Obscene global vaccine profiteering by pharmaceutical companies





https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2021/04/01/vacc-a01.html




Jean Shaoul
10 hours ago







Last week, British Prime Minister Boris Johnson told a private Zoom meeting of backbench Tory MPs, “The reason we have the vaccine success is because of capitalism, because of greed my friends… It was giant corporations that wanted to give good returns to shareholders. It was driven by big pharma.”

His obscene comments sum up the response of the ruling elite to the pandemic—an opportunity for profiteering on a huge scale, aided and abetted by imperialist governments that have protected Big Pharma’s monopoly profits.
The Pfizer-BioNTech vaccine (credit: WSWS media)



The reality is that the pharmaceutical companies were initially not interested in vaccine development. Zain Rizvi of the advocacy group Public Citizen told the Financial Times that the “immense scarcity” of vaccines was directly attributable to Big Pharma being “missing in action” as the coronavirus pandemic took off. The drug companies had years ago cut back on vaccine research and development in favour of blockbuster drugs to treat cancer and rare diseases, though the likelihood of a pandemic had long been discussed.

Even after the World Health Organisation (WHO) declared COVID-19 a pandemic on March 11 last year, three of the largest corporations, GSK, Sanofi and Merck, that dominated the vaccine market, were reluctant to get involved. They calculated that the pandemic would have run its course before a vaccine was ready and demonstrating once again the degree to which public health needs take second place to profits.

As the BBC reported in December, “Initially firms didn't rush in to fund vaccine projects. Creating vaccines, especially in the teeth of an acute health emergency, hasn't proved very profitable in the past.”

It was only after the governments of the European Union (EU), UK and US and agencies offered funding, including the main cost of running the “Phase 3” trials, assuming most of the risk in the process, that the industry started work on vaccine development, making rapid progress.

The profit gouging also began in earnest.

The US alone poured in an unprecedented $14 billion via Operation Warp Speed even though six of the Big Pharma, excluding Moderna, had combined revenues last year of $266 billion and profits of $46 billion, an 18 percent profit margin, and could easily have funded it themselves.

While GSK, Sanofi and Merck received over $2 billion from the US government to support the production of vaccines, Merck pulled out after disappointing early test results. GSK and Sanofi are working jointly on a vaccine. According to the People’s Vaccine Alliance, they are largely sitting on the sidelines, planning to produce Covid-19 vaccines for only 1.5 per cent of the global population in 2021.

Of the major vaccine producers, only Pfizer has a successful vaccine, produced jointly with the German company BioNTech using the new messenger RNA technology that requires storage at ultralow temperatures. The other major producers are new entrants to the field, the US-based biotech companies Moderna, whose vaccine also uses the RNA technology, and Novavax, whose vaccine can be stored in a normal refrigerator.

Moderna, the most expensive vaccine, received $2.5 billion from the US government. The campaigning group Public Citizen argues that this means, “Taxpayers are paying for 100 percent of Moderna’s COVID-19 vaccine development. All of it.” With the US government subsequently buying or reserving up to 500 million doses, Moderna is likely to make a whopping $8 billion profit.

While BioNTech/Pfizer’s vaccine was privately funded, the company received a €100 million development loan from the European Development Bank as well as a €365 million euro grant from the German government to help with manufacturing costs.

Public monies funded not only the development of the vaccines but also, via the universities and public laboratories, much of the science underpinning the vaccines. Crucially, all the vaccine development teams benefited from the initial research carried out by Professor Zhang Yongzhen at the Shanghai Public Health Clinical Centre where he had sequenced thousands of previously unknown viruses. The Centre made the first genomic sequencing of the COVID-19 virus freely available on the open-source site virological.org on the very day that Wuhan recorded its first Covid death. It was the release of Covid’s genetic code that allowed University of Oxford, Moderna and BioNTech to design their vaccines in short order.

The companies have made a killing from massive pre-orders by governments, far larger than their population requirements, even before their vaccines had obtained regulatory approval. The US government made $1.95 billion and $1.53 billion pre-payments for the BioNTech/Pfizer and Moderna vaccines respectively through Operation Warp Speed, in effect an interest free loan.

But that was not enough for Big Pharma. They lobbied hard to guarantee monopoly profits by insisting the World Trade Organisation reject India and South Africa’s call to waive patent protection for the vaccines and to allow developing countries to manufacture or import generic versions. Pfizer boss Albert Bourla said, “At this point in time, I think it’s nonsense, and… it’s also dangerous”.

The US, the EU and the UK fell in line. Similarly, the companies sought and got legal indemnities from the governments protecting them in the event of problems with the vaccine, while ensuring that their contracts remained secret.

All this translates into massive profits for the pharmaceutical corporations. BioNTech/Pfizer is expected to make $4 billion profit on $15 billion sales at around $19 a shot, a profit margin of nearly 30 percent according to the Financial Times, as the company strikes hard bargains with rich and poor countries alike. Moderna is projected to make $8 billion profits on sales of $18.4 billion with at least 700 million pre-ordered vaccines in 2021 at between $25 to $37 a shot. The company says production costs are just 20 percent of sales revenues. The ultimate beneficiaries are the giant investment funds that hold the companies’ shares.

As well as profits, the companies have had a massive free advertising campaign as their jabs have made them household names, while the science underpinning the vaccines can be put to treating and profiting from other diseases. Furthermore, according to figures from Morgan Stanley and Credit Suisse, should the advanced countries decide to offer annual booster jabs to cope with new, more resistant variants, as they do for flu, the pharmaceutical companies are set to rake in a further $10 billion or more a year.

The one company that bucked the trend was AstraZeneca, which is selling its jab at between $2 and $4 a dose after entering into an agreement with the University of Oxford that restricted its prices. Not having developed a vaccine of its own, it bought the rights to the jab developed by the university’s Jenner Institute, paying the university $90 million and a 6 percent share of future royalties. The university’s spinout company, whose directors include the leaders of the vaccine development team Professors Sarah Gilbert and Adrian Hill, will get 24 percent of the university’s share.

The scientists had initially wanted their vaccine to be produced on a non-exclusive, royalty-free basis, with the director of the Jenner Institute telling the media, “I personally don’t believe that in a time of pandemic there should be exclusive licenses.” He was echoing the words of Dr Jonas Salk, the inventor of the polio vaccine, who refused to patent the jab. When asked, “Who owns this patent?”, Salk famously replied, “Well, the people I would say. There is no patent. Could you patent the sun?”

In the event, the University of Oxford, stating that it needed to organize a massive global roll-out, entered into an exclusive deal with AstraZeneca, which agreed to sell the vaccine on a not-for-profit basis, claiming “We are absolutely committed to make the vaccine available to as many countries as possible at no profit during the period of the pandemic to support broad and equitable access around the world.”

Forgoing profits in the short term was viewed as good public relations and in any event ran counter to the terms of the deal that were not made public. According to the Financial Times, the contract allows the company to make 20 percent above the cost of manufacturing the vaccines and can raise the price when it deems the pandemic to be over, any time after the end of July. While these conditions appear to apply to the UK and EU, the company is also selling the vaccine to poorer countries, including Bangladesh, South Africa and Uganda, at higher prices.

Nevertheless, the AstraZeneca jab is the cheapest on the market, with the US corporation Johnson & Johnson more expensive despite also selling its vaccine at “cost price” during the pandemic, which is why the AstraZeneca vaccine has far larger shots under contract than any other vaccine producer. Its vaccine became the vaccine of choice for the world’s poorest countries and the WHO’s Covax scheme, particularly since it does not require storage at low temperatures.

Their prices at $2-$4 are far lower than Sanofi/GSK’s vaccine at $9.19, Pfizer/BioNTech’s at $14.59 and Moderna’s at $18, according to the pricelist negotiated by the EU. Other countries, including the US, are paying far higher prices, with the Pfizer jab reportedly costing $39 per person. While AstraZeneca’s expected profits are unknown, sales of $6.4 billion in 2021 and a 20 percent profit margin implies profits approaching $1.3 billion.

Unquestionably, AstraZeneca’s undercutting of the market has incurred the wrath of its rivals, causing uproar in France, Germany and the US. The EU threatened a ban on the export of the vaccine, yet another instance of the vaccine wars fueled by the conflicting interests of the rival companies, the major imperialist countries, as well as their rivals and client states.

The unrestrained drive for profits has put vaccines out of reach for most of the world’s population and will serve to massively increase global death rates as more virulent mutants proliferate.

The disastrous response of all the major capitalist powers and the pharmaceutical industry to the global COVID-19 pandemic confirms the necessity of abolishing the capitalist system that subjugates human health and every other basic need to private profit. The international working class must intervene to expropriate the pharmaceutical giants and every major industry sector, transforming these monopolies into publicly-owned and democratically-controlled utilities to serve the needs of humanity.




The trial of Derek Chauvin and the epidemic of police murder in America





https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2021/04/01/pers-a01.html




Trévon Austin
14 hours ago







Wednesday concluded the third day in the trial of Derek Chauvin, the former Minneapolis, Minnesota police officer who kneeled on George Floyd’s neck for more than nine minutes last May.

The testimony over the last three days has confirmed what millions of workers around the world already know: Floyd’s death was a brutal police murder in cold blood. Occurring in the midst of the pandemic, it was a particularly graphic display of the nature of the apparatus of repression and violence that goes by the name of “law enforcement.”
George Floyd (Credit: Offices of Ben Crump Law)


One after another, witnesses recalled their shock, horror, and outrage as they saw officers pin Floyd on the pavement as he begged for his life. Nearly every witness that has taken the stand so far—people of different races and backgrounds—has come to tears while being questioned or shown footage reminding them of what transpired on May 25, 2020.

Minneapolis firefighter Genevieve Hansen, who is white, testified that she begged officers to let her take Floyd’s pulse. Hansen recalled how officers refused to allow her to assist Floyd, even after she identified herself as a firefighter. Hansen teared up as she recounted the helplessness she felt as Chauvin continued to kneel on Floyd after she could tell he was not conscious.

Darnella Frazier, an African American teenager who recorded the viral bystander video of the incident, told jurors she has stayed up some nights “apologizing and apologizing to George Floyd for not doing more and not physically interacting and not saving his life.”

Alyssa Funari, another bystander who recorded events, cried as she explained that she wanted to intervene but was unable to because “there was a higher power there”—a reference to officers who pushed witnesses to the crime away and threatened them with mace.

The prosecution played harrowing bodycam footage Wednesday, in which Floyd could be seen pleading with officers, telling them that he was scared and begging not to be shot. In the footage, officers continued to pin Floyd to the pavement even after one acknowledged Floyd had passed out.
Derek Chauvin


Floyd’s brutal murder at the hands of the Minneapolis Police Department evoked an outpouring of empathy and anger from workers across the globe. Protests began locally in Minneapolis the day after Floyd’s death and eventually spread to over 2,000 cities in over 60 countries. An estimated 15 to 26 million people protested at some point in the US, making the demonstrations the largest in US history.

The demonstrations were of a multi-ethnic, multi-racial and international character, and workers actively fought efforts to divide the struggle along racial lines.

While the protests were sparked by the killing of Floyd, deeper issues were driving them. In late May, the death toll from the coronavirus pandemic in the US reached 100,000. Millions were out of work and without income while Congress provided trillions to Wall Street, only offering scraps to workers. The ruling class, led by the Trump administration, had initiated its homicidal back-to-work campaign, a policy which has been continued by President Joe Biden, driving the death toll above 560,000 today.

The ruling class responded to the protests by sending police on a militarized campaign of repression. Both Democrats and Republicans called on police and National Guard forces to terrorize the population. More than 14,000 people were arrested during the protests, charged with petty offenses such as violating curfews or blocking roadways. Police routinely violated the democratic rights of journalists, arresting 128 in 2020, a record for a single year. At least 19 people died during the police crackdown.

On June 1, Trump—who encouraged police violence throughout his administration—threatened to invoke the Insurrection Act to deploy the military across the country and effectively declare martial law. This response was not simply or even primarily aimed at the popular protests against police violence. It reflected the fear in the ruling class of growing social anger over its homicidal response to the pandemic. The threat of dictatorship found its ultimate political expression in the attempted fascistic coup in Washington D.C. on January 6, 2021.

While supporting the police crackdown, Democrats worked on a parallel track. They sought to direct outrage over Floyd’s murder and the broader epidemic of police violence into a campaign based on stoking racial division. Workers were told that police killings were a racial matter that could be solved by making Kamala Harris the first female, African American and Asian American Vice President. The Black Lives Matter movement was heavily promoted and organizations associated with the movement were flooded with tens of millions of dollars by major corporations.

The Democrats, however, are no less culpable than the Republicans for the epidemic of police violence. Before George Floyd, there was Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri in 2014, when protests were met by a militarized response overseen by the Obama administration. No doubt there will be, during the Biden administration, further outrages, some caught on camera, the majority not. According to an analysis by the Washington Post, there has been no significant reduction in the rate at which police kill people under Biden.

Since mappingpoliceviolence.org began keeping data in 2013, police have killed over 1,000 people every year. On average, US police kill more than 3 people every day. Already in 2021, police have killed more than 200 people.

Police killed 1,127 people in 2020, even in the midst of the pandemic. Of those, 457 were white. Year after year, white people account for the largest share of individuals killed by police. While racism plays a role, and the most backward and fascistic sentiments are encouraged within the police, the disproportionate number of minorities murdered is primarily a product of police patrolling the most vulnerable and impoverished communities.

The prevalence of police violence in the United States is, at its root, a class question, not a racial issue. It is the noxious product of a society characterized by unprecedented levels of social inequality. The concentration of wealth in the hands of a plutocracy has only increased over the past year, with the massive bailout of Wall Street fueling the rise of the pandemic profiteers.

Any struggle against police violence cannot be waged on a racial basis. Last year’s protests demonstrated the unity and power of the working class. The only way forward is a socialist program, which rejects artificial barriers and unites workers along their common class interests. The impassioned responses of the witnesses in Chauvin’s trial were not determined by their race, but by their humanity and empathy for the thousands of workers killed by police every year.

As the Socialist Equality Party wrote in the days after Floyd’s killing, “How shall the death of George Floyd be avenged? What is the way forward? The fight against police brutality must be fused with the growing movement of the working class against unsafe working conditions, mass unemployment, social inequality and mass poverty. It is a fight against the capitalist system and for socialism.”

Ten months after Floyd’s death, as the wave of police violence continues, as the ruling class’s response to the pandemic has produced its horrific results, and as workers throughout the world enter into struggle against inequality, dictatorship and war, the necessity for such a struggle is more urgent than ever.




Ignore corporate whining





Doug Henwood




Ignore corporate whining

Posted: 31 Mar 2021 10:16 AM PDT


Joe Biden is proposing to finance his badly needed infrastructure program by raising corporate taxes. Business mostly likes the infrastructure program—everything works better when the basics aren’t falling apart—but it doesn’t want to pay for it. Nobody likes paying taxes (well, maybe some oddballs do, but to each their own), but over the last few years, Corporate America has been enjoying the lightest tax burden in history. That needs to change.

Graphed below is the effective tax rate—the share of income that’s paid in tax, not the rate that’s on the books, which nobody pays—for nonfinancial corporations, the motor of the economy, based on data from the national income accounts. In 2020, firms paid 16.8% of their profits in taxes, about the same as 2019 and up slightly from 2018’s 15.0%. That rate, as the dotted trendline shows, has been declining steadily for decades, though the Trump tax cuts took it to fresh lows. As recently as 2005–2007, firms were paying almost 30%. In the 1970s, the average tax rate was over 40%; in the 1950s, almost 50%.



Translating those percentages into dollar terms produces some big numbers. If business were paying taxes at 2007 rates, another $162 billion a year would be flowing into the Treasury, enough to cover the $2 trillion pricetag on the infrastructure bill in 12 years. Take corporate taxes back to 1950s rates—not exactly a time when the capitalist class was suffering—and you could pay the entire infrastructure tab in five years.

And these profit figures are based on what companies report to the IRS, adjusted by the Bureau of Economic analysis to compensate for the more egregious tax breaks. It doesn’t account for all the trillions stashed in offshore tax havens.

They’ve got the money. They just don’t want to share.