2nd Biden v Trump Debate Officially CANCELLED - Here's Why

 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vC6aUrGEgOw&ab_channel=SecularTalk

The Pentagon Took Money for PPE and Bought Weapons

The military says that the “health” of the defense industry is crucial to national security. But the CARES Act money was specifically allocated to protect the health of the people of this country — not the companies that build weapons.

October 12, 2020 Phyllis Bennis FOREIGN POLICY IN FOCUS




https://portside.org/2020-10-12/pentagon-took-money-ppe-and-bought-weapons




As the pandemic continues to claim lives across the country, new information keeps coming out about how the Trump administration has made it harder for Americans to protect themselves.

We now know, for example, that early in the pandemic the U.S. Postal Service had planned to deliver five face masks to every U.S. household. It could have made mask-wearing a lot more common a lot earlier — and maybe saved a lot of lives. But the White House scrapped the idea.

Now we also know that the Trump administration took $1 billion in stimulus funds that were supposed to go towards making masks and other protective equipment for the pandemic — and gave most of it to weapons manufacturers.

Those funds were part of $10.6 billion in CARES Act money allocated to the Pentagon — a staggering sum, especially since the bloated military budget already claims 53 cents of every discretionary federal dollar available to Congress.

The Pentagon’s CARES money was supposed to help military employees and military families survive the pandemic.

The $1 billion in question was granted under a special law that lets the Pentagon require companies to manufacture urgently needed goods in case of a national emergency. This time, it was to make sure companies producing Personal Protective Equipment (PPE), like N-95 masks, ventilators, and more, were making all they could.

But most of that money didn’t go to making PPE at all. Trump’s defense department gave it to corporations that make jet engines, drone flight controllers, and dress uniforms for the military. Two-thirds of it was distributed in big contracts worth more than $5 million each.

The military says that the “health” of the defense industry is crucial to national security. But the CARES Act money was specifically allocated to protect the health of the people of this country — not the companies that build weapons.

This comes at a moment when U.S. military spending is already near all-time highs — and when military contractors are doing better than lots of other companies.

“Major defense contractors such as Lockheed Martin, General Dynamics, and Northrop Grumman,” the Washington Post reports, “have remained financially healthy despite some pandemic-related disruption, and have continued to pay stock dividends to investors.”

Indeed, the CEOs of those companies rank among the highest paid corporate executives in the country. Last year General Dynamics’s CEO raked in $18 million, Northrup Grumman’s made $20 million, and Lockheed-Martin’s pulled in a whopping $31 million.

Still, many of those same military corporations paid out of the $1 billion Pentagon slush fund also applied for — and received — funds from the federal Paycheck Protection Program that Congress designated specifically to prevent COVID-related lay-offs. These extra Pentagon grants came on top of that, except without any requirements to protect jobs. Those companies could take the money and still fire as many employees as they want.

An additional $1 billion would have made a huge difference in the fight against COVID-19. My colleagues at the Institute for Policy Studies found that $1 billion could have funded nearly 28 million COVID-19 tests or purchased over 294 million N-95 respirator masks.

What makes us safer in the pandemic — access to more testing and a lot more face masks, or helping military corporations and their CEOs make a killing on our tax money?

Add that to the canceled Postal Service plan to distribute hundreds of millions more masks, and the record keeps getting more appalling. Make no mistake: The Trump administration’s heartlessness and militarism are costing lives.

Jeremy Corbyn: It will be a perpetual punishment

 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-dWFJdsFnBE&ab_channel=ProgressiveInternational

Seed the Vote: Don’t Just Vote, Organize!

Seed the Vote brings together progressive anti-fascist, anti-Trump forces in several ways. Seed the Vote provides the scheduling, training, and infrastructure. "Plant the seed for the kind of democracy we want to be building together.”

October 12, 2020 Marcy Rein ORGANIZING UPGRADE




https://portside.org/2020-10-12/seed-vote-dont-just-vote-organize




Early voting is already underway: Election Day is every day from now until Nov. 3. Seed the Vote has activists on the (virtual) ground seven days a week in swing states, and soon will add in-person crews as well. Partnering with organizations rooted in working-class communities and communities of color, Seed the Vote aims to build connections and capacities that will last past November, while pitching in on the all-important fight to defeat Trump. Its thinking is both granular and global. Coordinating Committee member Le Tim Ly:

“There’s this question of what we do inside the empire: What is our responsibility to movements and people around the world to create the best possible conditions for our side to win? Seeing the work of defeating Trump in that context is important, to check our privileges and not let down our responsibility to the most targeted and vulnerable in our communities, to the generations who come after us and to the work that’s happening across the world to combat neoliberal fascism and support people’s struggles.”

THE CRISIS AND THE MOVEMENT COLLIDE

Seed the Vote’s organizers brought with them decades of experience in weaving together electoral work and community organizing. They had helped build the San Francisco Rising Action Fund and Bay Rising Action to amplify the voices of low-income communities and communities of color in local and regional elections. By July 2019, the depth and ferocity of the Trumpist attack made national work imperative. “The crisis and the movement are colliding,” said Emily Lee, a co-founder of Seed the Vote. After many informal conversations, Lee and others who would form the core of Seed the Vote got together to discuss how they could organize around the presidential election in a way that would both fight the right and build the left.

FIGHT THE RIGHT, BUILD THE LEFT

Before they began making work plans, the core spent a few months developing the political assessment that would guide them. They shared their thinking in December 2019:

“We identified defeating Trump and the GOP in the 2020 elections as an absolutely key step in beating the racist, authoritarian right wing. In addition, we must do a set of other things to build the left: strengthen unity and ties among different social justice organizations, build the influence of left ideas and a progressive program, and increase our numbers. Positioning the social justice forces within the massive opposition to Trump, including the electoral opposition, gives us the best chance to do those things.”

Seed the Vote’s analysis puts those hardest hit by Trumpism at the core of the effort to defeat it and build the left. Overlaid on the map of battleground states, it guided the project’s engagement strategy. Under the auspices of the Everyday People PAC, Seed the Vote and its sibling organization, Generation Rising, began to make plans. (Generation Rising, profiled here, organizes and trains young BIPOC for leadership in electoral work.)

PANDEMIC UPENDS PLANS

At first, Seed the Vote planned to send delegations from the Bay Area to spend two weeks in Arizona in October 2020. Volunteers would work with LUCHA, an organization galvanized in the resistance to Arizona’s notorious anti-immigrant legislation, the 2010 “Show Me Your Papers” bill, SB 1070. The coordinating committee was set to go to Arizona to do more in-depth visioning and planning in mid-March. But their flight got cancelled when shelter-in-place started, and Seed the Vote had to get creative. It went virtual and expanded its reach, opening to volunteers from all over the country and adding new organizing partners.

Looking to the swing states of Florida and Pennsylvania, Seed the Vote reached out New Florida Majority and Pennsylvania Stands Up. Not only did they share politics, but they had relationships in each group through activists who had previously worked in the Bay Area.

“Between March and June, our partner organizations were swamped with working on their primary elections, dealing with COVID, and mobilizing in response to this incredible movement moment and racial reckoning we were in as a country,” Coordinating Committee member Jill Shenker said. Seed the Vote re-tooled and held three political education sessions to pull together a first cohort of volunteers. (Videos from the sessions are available here.) June phone banks began with wellness checks, helping connect people with resources and with the partner organizations.

PODS AND BRANCHES

Seed the Vote brings together progressive anti-fascist, anti-Trump forces in several ways. Individuals can sign up for phone banks with partner groups. Organizations can form “branches” so people can call together and stay connected to their political home. Seed the Vote provides the scheduling, training, and infrastructure. Activists can also form “Seed Pods,” groups of family and friends who call together, with similar support.

“I started a seed pod for myself and friends mostly because I thought it would be fun to work with people I knew,” said volunteer Shunya Anding. “They were hesitant about getting into conversations and persuasion, so I’ve talked to them about it. Most of them probably wouldn’t be calling otherwise.” The pod gives a sense of camaraderie and support: members get on Zoom and call at the same time, with breaks in the middle of their stint and a debrief at the end.

Larisa Casillas is co-leading a pod with two other longtime social justice activists. “Our worlds overlap, but not so much, so we get to meet new people. It seems like a great opportunity to build community,” she said. “I’m drawn to the idea of the election as an opportunity to bring our people in, to organize folks. And by working with Seed the Vote, we’re not only calling around the elections, but also supporting the movement building that’s happening in Florida on the ground. That’s why I was attracted to it, because it felt movement-oriented.”

GROWING SEASON

In August, the number of Seed the Vote volunteers and phone bank shifts more than doubled, and new cooperative and coalition efforts sprouted. Seed the Vote joined the United Against Trump coalition in a virtual rally during the Democratic Convention, and is offering opportunities to volunteer with other coalition groups. It’s coordinating with movement networks like the Center For Popular Democracy Action Fund and People’s Action on phone banks to Wisconsin, Michigan and Pennsylvania. It co-hosted a town hall with People’s Action to lift up the “deep canvassing” that network is using successfully to reach out to conflicted voters.

All this collaboration builds the movement’s connective tissue—through relationships among people who call together, and among likeminded groups regionally and nationally. “We can move at the speed of trust,” Ly said. “That practice builds trust over time so we can grow more nimble and powerful.”

SEED THE VOTE, FEED SOLIDARITY

By late September, Seed the Vote had 3,500 volunteers – 700 calling Florida on one day. The group has started discussing election defense, and is collaborating with Protect the Results and The Frontline, but most of its effort is concentrated on winning the biggest victory possible Nov. 3. For the final pre-election push, the group is returning to its original vision of sending delegations out of state. It’s gathering volunteers to support canvassing in Arizona with LUCHA and UNITE-HERE Local 11, in Florida with New Florida Majority, and in Pennsylvania with the Working Families Party. Organizers in those three states have already been door-knocking, working under COVID-safety protocols developed and reviewed by public health professionals – and nothing can replace in-person connections.

Those conversations are especially crucial for reaching people whose names don’t show up on lists because they’ve never voted. Florida has four million young people and people of color who are eligible to vote and not registered, or registered but not voting. Pennsylvania will have 17 early voting centers, where people can register and vote on the same day up to the Oct. 19 registration deadline.

Arizona, Florida, and Pennsylvania can each be pivotal in the presidential election, and in each one Seed the Vote partners are working on down-ballot races by candidates they believe will be reliable allies in building power. “If you can take a week off and go to one of these places, do it,” Ly urged.

Seed the Vote’s Political Education Committee has developed a series of info sessions to give volunteers a sense of the political contexts in the places they will be calling or visiting. At the September 23 session, New Florida Majority Organizing Director Serena Perez gave a quick sketch of that state’s complex demographics and politics.

New Florida Majority and its allies have registered tens of thousands of low-income voters and voters of color in the last several years. In 2018 they helped win passage of Amendment 4, which would have restored voting rights to 1.4 million people formerly incarcerated for felonies. The Republican legislature undermined that with a requirement that all fines and fees be paid before restoration. The U.S. Supreme Court has let this modern-day poll tax stand. Florida’s Trump-like governor, Ron DeSantis, proposes to charge many protestors with felonies; waive liability for motorists who drive into crowds in “self-defense”; and block state aid to cities that vote to defund police.

In breakout groups and then together, attendees digested this reality and discussed how the phone-banking they were doing could help to change it. Experience and ideas bubbled up. They are boosting voter turnout. Reaching people who don’t often get listened to, sharing hopes for families and communities that could be realized with people’s governance. Building solidarity across state lines. “This work that Seed the Vote is doing with our partner groups plants the seed for the kind of democracy we want to be building together,” Political Education Committee co-coordinator Jazmín Delgado said.




Ready to Seed the Vote? Sign up here or go to https://seedthevote.org for more information.

Pope Francis Out-Lefts Joe Biden and Donald Trump

 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RqP7DL28hTE&ab_channel=HardLensMedia

Workers Tried to Blow the Whistle on COVID Hazards. Then People Died.

A new analysis shows that a spike in complaints to the Occupational Safety and Health Administration precedes a spike in COVID deaths.

October 12, 2020 Dave Jamieson HUFFPOST




https://portside.org/2020-10-12/workers-tried-blow-whistle-covid-hazards-then-people-died




As soon as the coronavirus pandemic began, workers across the country flooded federal and state offices with complaints that their employers weren’t protecting them from the health threat. The concerns have continued to pour into workplace safety agencies for seven months, totaling nearly 40,000 as of Thursday.

It turns out the allegations have been a flashing warning sign all along, according to a new working paper published by the Harvard Center for Population and Development Studies. The analysis of data from the Occupational Safety and Health Administration shows that a rise in workers’ safety complaints has preceded a rise in deaths throughout the pandemic.

[Read full report here. https://cdn1.sph.harvard.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/1266/2020/10/20_covid-19_federal-response_FINAL_for-HCPDS_1001_HCPDS-working-paper_volume-20_number-2_FINAL.pdf]

Experts looked at complaints filed with OSHA and corresponding state agencies from February to late August, and set the data against fatalities likely caused by the novel coronavirus. What they found was that the curve of the complaints roughly matches the curve of pandemic deaths, with the latter trailing the former by 17 days.

Nancy Krieger, a professor of social epidemiology at Harvard University, said the lag in the time when the deaths occur is a key finding. Workers likely became aware of infections happening around them, felt they weren’t protected on the job and tried to blow the whistle. Then, within a couple of weeks, the number of deaths was increasing.

“It’s not that there were deaths and then people started complaining,” Krieger said. “There were [safety] complaints ― and then the deaths happened.”



A rise in worker complaints (the colored bars) has preceded a rise in deaths from COVID-19 (the black line) throughout the pandemic.

Those trends hold true for the U.S. at large, as well as the four individual regions the researchers looked at, all of which had spikes in deaths at different times. The researchers cautioned that it’s impossible to say how much of a rise in worker complaints could be attributed to growing awareness of the virus, and how much to actual hazards on the job.

But in either case, the increases in worker complaints should have served as an alarm. Instead, the paper concludes, they ended up a “missed opportunity to intervene” by the government.

“People were aware of [the virus]. They were complaining because they didn’t feel protected,” said Bill Hanage, an associate professor of epidemiology at Harvard. “Then the cases that were making them concerned led to the fatalities.”



A closer look at how worker complaints in the South have preceded a rise in deaths there.

OSHA has been widely panned for its coronavirus response.

The agency has opened only 206 inspections out of more than 9,300 coronavirus-related complaints from workers. OSHA suffers from chronic understaffing, but workplace safety experts say that under the Trump administration it has failed to use basic tools at its disposal, like setting new emergency standards or issuing hefty fines for violations. (Twenty-one states and Puerto Rico have their own workplace safety agencies that handle complaints, and their aggressiveness varies.)

As of last week, OSHA had issued $484,000 in fines against employers for coronavirus-related hazards. All told, just 37 employers have received citations. Even worksites that were home to major outbreaks and lost multiple workers to COVID-19, like Smithfield and JBS meatpacking plants in South Dakota and Colorado, respectively, were hit with fines only in the low five-digits.


It’s not that there were deaths and then people started complaining. There were [safety] complaints ― and then the deaths happened.Nancy Krieger, Harvard

OSHA has defended its performance during the crisis, recently telling HuffPost in a statement that it was working around the clock to protect workers: “OSHA inspectors will not close a case if they have identified any potential citations. ... OSHA will continue to enforce the law and offer guidance to employers and employees to keep America’s workplaces safe.”

But Peg Seminario, a workplace safety expert who helped researchers unpack the OSHA data, said the employee complaints should have prompted more action and could have saved lives with an aggressive response. Workers have grumbled about how difficult it is to get an on-the-ground inspection from OSHA, with the agency often just dealing with employers by phone and fax.

“Workers obviously knew something was going on in their workplaces, raising these concerns,” said Seminario, who led the workplace safety program at the AFL-CIO labor federation for nearly 30 years before retiring in 2019. “Yet we had almost no response.”

UK gov't admits media overhyped Brexit hoax

 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Hxluq0FCn3E&ab_channel=TheGrayzone