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Antone Melton-Meaux’s campaign has routed 78 percent of its spending through anonymous vendors to get around DCCC blacklist.
Andrew Perez
Aug 6 
This post is written by TMI editor/reporter Andrew Perez.
The Minnesota Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party announced on Tuesday that it’s planning to file a federal election complaint against Antone Melton-Meaux and the team of anonymous vendors assisting his bid against progressive freshman Rep. Ilhan Omar, citing reporting by TMI.
As TMI reported last week, the Melton-Meaux campaign has routed most of its spending through three anonymous companies, at least two of which were incorporated in Delaware shortly before the payments started. The campaign’s payments to the firms accounted for 78 percent of its overall spending as of July 22, according to a TMI review.
The DFL complaint with the Federal Election Commission (FEC) alleges that the Melton-Meaux campaign’s maneuver is being used to evade longstanding laws requiring disclosure of how campaign money is being spent. The party accuses Melton-Meaux, his campaign and the companies of violating campaign finance laws by “conspiring to intentionally obscure the individuals providing services to Antone for Congress.”
The party cites an FAQ letter the Melton-Meaux campaign sent to supporters on Sunday, in which the campaign said it is working “with several vendors and registered LLCs for a variety of services who had to protect themselves” from the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee (DCCC), because the committee has threatened to blacklist consultants who work for candidates running in primaries against Democratic incumbents. Melton-Meaux told the Washington Post the same thing, and said the campaign had signed nondisclosure agreements with the companies.
On Wednesday, the candidate doubled down in a news conference, calling the complaint “frivolous” and a “desperate attempt by the DFL to resurrect Congresswoman Omar’s campaign.”
“This is really the result of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee and an edict they put out in the fall of last year that they would blacklist any vendor that worked for someone like me, someone that’s running against an incumbent,” Melton-Meaux said. “They’re basically going to put these folks out of business. And so now these individuals and these organizations have to protect themselves, and they’ve done it in a legal way. I think the DCCC should be ashamed of themselves, because they’re being undemocratic. I have a constitutional right to run for this office.”
Further, he noted that “because the FEC is not even in quorum right now, this case goes nowhere.” This is true to a point -- thanks to a Republican commissioner’s recent resignation, only three of six FEC seats are filled right now, and the commission won’t be able to vote on enforcement actions.
However, the agency has fined candidates in the past for using subcontractor agreements to hide payments. In 2017, former Minnesota Rep. Michele Bachmann’s GOP presidential campaign and her leadership PAC were fined after the PAC funneled money through a consulting firm to conceal payments to an Iowa state senator who endorsed her.
Melton-Meaux’s campaign has reported paying nearly $2.6 million since June to a company they’ve called “WCPA” for media production, TV and digital ad buys and direct mail services. It’s not clear where the firm is registered, though a company with a similar name -- “WPCA, LLC” -- was formed in Delaware on May 29.
Melton-Meaux’s campaign has also paid $120,000 to two Delaware limited liability companies registered in late 2019, named Lake Point Consulting and North Superior Consulting LLC. The campaign told MinnPost last month that the firms are “communications and strategy consulting firms that work largely outside of politics, with very limited political experience,” and said they had signed nondisclosure agreements with both companies.
https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2020/08/06/cali-a06.html
By Shuvu Batta
6 August 2020
The 9th Circuit Court of Appeals has denied the Socialist Equality Party’s (SEP) appeal to expedite its appeal before the circuit, known as the most liberal in the US. In response, the party’s candidates, Joseph Kishore and Norissa Santa Cruz, filed another motion to overturn the denial, which was also rejected yesterday in a one sentence decision that addressed none of their constitutional arguments.
The decision denying the candidates’ request for a quick briefing schedule was made by Chief Judge Sidney R. Thomas (appointed by Democrat Bill Clinton) and Circuit Judges Mary M. Schroeder (appointed by Democrat Jimmy Carter) and Consuelo Callahan (appointed by Republican George W. Bush). The ruling and subsequent delay means that Kishore and Santa Cruz will be unable to have their names printed on the ballots without having the chance to have the court address the merits of their appeal.
The decision is the latest development in Kishore and Santa Cruz’s lawsuit against the State of California. The candidates challenged the state’s decision to enforce its ballot access requirement, which requires third party candidates to collect over 200,000 physical signatures in the middle of a pandemic which has claimed over 155,000 lives. In California, petitioning for ballot access opens up in April and closes by August, leaving third party candidates about 5 months to accomplish this task—5 months marked by a state lockdown and an increasing death rate.
The SEP initially filed the lawsuit against Democratic Governor Gavin Newsom and Secretary of State Alex Padilla a month prior, on June 30th.
On July 12th, the Attorney General for California responded on behalf of Newsom and Padilla, arguing that if the Socialist Equality Party won their lawsuit it would cause “an unmanageable and overcrowded ballot for the November presidential general election that would cause voter confusion and frustration of the democratic process.” The SEP refuted this argument three days later, pointing out that it was California state officials “who are frustrating the democratic process—by insisting on the enforcement of ballot access requirements that are effectively impossible for Plaintiffs to comply with without endangering the safety and lives of their supporters and the public at large.”
On July 20th, District Judge Dolly M. Gee, nominated by former President Democrat Barack Obama, ruled against Kishore and Santa Cruz. She claimed that the SEP’s candidates could have avoided the “understandable” risks of the virus by simply using face coverings and social distancing in gathering signatures from 200,000 people.
The attorneys for the SEP contested this decision, appealing to the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals. Alongside this appeal, a motion was made to expedite the case so that the appeal could be heard before the state of California printed its ballots in mid-August.
On July 27th the Court of Appeals denied the motion to expedite. Kishore and Santa Cruz filed a separate motion asking the court to reconsider this blatant denial of their democratic rights. On August 5th the Ninth Circuit denied the Socialist Equality Party’s motion to reverse this decision without addressing any of the arguments Kishore and Santa Cruz’s attorneys raised in their legal filings.
The attorneys for Kishore and Santa Cruz also filed an opening brief outlining the history of the case, summarizing the arguments of the defendants, and arguing for the right to ballot access.
The brief explained that Kishore and Santa Cruz launched their campaign in January but were prevented from gathering signatures by the pandemic and the State’s measures to combat it. The Socialist Equality Party has a long, rich political history in California, the brief noted, arguing that there are less-than-lethal ways of testing whether the candidates can establish enough support to merit ballot access. The SEP’s past candidates for Governor, Senate, and Congress won tens of thousands of votes, the brief explained.
In response to Gee’s claims that wearing of masks and social distancing would suffice to protect signers and SEP volunteers from COVID-19, the SEP highlighted the testimony of veteran SEP campaigner Kimie Saito, who explained that under normal conditions, in a full day’s work she can collect 30-40 signatures per hour, but that it is not possible to implement social distancing in the collection of signatures under present conditions. Placing campaigners and supporters in this situation means in effect that the state is enforcing a policy which would be homicidal in its outcome.
The district court had further claimed that “social media” could be used to gather the signatures, which is in effect almost impossible to achieve. This process requires each signer to be contacted by a stranger over the phone or internet, that a document be mailed or printed at home, that a mobile notary be hired, and that the document be mailed to the campaigner for submission to the state. In San Francisco, mobile notary fees range from $55 to $115 per signature. At a hypothetical average rate of $100 per notarized signature, the cost of notarizing nearly 200,000 signatures would be on the order of $20 million, not including postage to and from the nominator.
The court had also accused the SEP of “unexplained delays” in the signature gathering period, alleging they waited too long to file the lawsuit. The attorneys noted that this period coincided with the “stay-at-home” order implemented by the California Governor, further noting the disastrous effects of reopening starting July 13th, with over 529,000 infected and almost 10,000 dead.
Citing the William v. Rhodes Supreme Court Case of 1968, the attorneys noted that by barring Kishore and Santa-Cruz from the ballot, especially at a time when, according to a Gallup poll, over 49 percent of young voters have a positive view of socialism, the court is effectively placing “burdens on two different, although overlapping, kinds of rights—the right of individuals to associate for the advancement of political beliefs and the right of qualified voters, regardless of their political persuasion, to cast their votes effectively.”
Responding to the state’s arguments that adding socialist candidates will lead to “voter confusion,” the candidates’ appeal brief explained: “Placing these socialist candidates with their distinct program on the ballot will inform rather than confuse voters as to important issues, including those who otherwise might not vote. The fact that sample ballots are mailed to voters prior to election day further diminishes any concern about voter confusion, since voters will have an opportunity to research the candidates and their platforms in advance. There is no realistic threat that these avowedly socialist candidates will be confused with the other party candidates.”
https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2020/08/06/afgh-a06.html
By Jean Shaoul
6 August 2020
The government has been caught out lying about evidence on the killing of civilians in Afghanistan by the elite Special Air Service (SAS).
Three years into a civil case in the High Court brought by Saiffulah Yar into the deaths of four family members at the hand of the SAS, the Ministry of Defence (MoD) has finally handed over a tranche of e-mails and documents revealing official concerns about the killing of Afghan civilians. The MoD previously indicated it had no such documents.
The documents, written by SAS officers and military personnel, provide evidence of war crimes. They show that while the government claimed that there was no credible evidence about these events, the evidence had been sitting in Whitehall.
It is a damning confirmation of the criminality of the 2001 US-led invasion and occupation of Afghanistan that has led to more than 175,000 deaths, hundreds of thousands of wounded, and millions forced from their homes.
The intervention in Afghanistan, planned well in advance of the bombing of the twin towers in New York in 2001, was not launched to prosecute a “war on terrorism” but rather to project US military power into Central and South Asia. The US was intent on seizing control of a country bordering on the oil-rich former Soviet republics of the Caspian Basin, as well as China. The UK joined as a willing partner on behalf of its own oil corporations in this criminal venture.
The High Court has now ordered Ben Wallace, the Secretary of State for Defence, to explain why the ministry withheld evidence suggesting SAS soldiers executed 33 civilians in Afghanistan in early 2011. He has until November to reply. The MoD claimed it was not new evidence, as it had been reviewed by the official inquiry—Operation Northmoor—into allegations of civilian killings.
Saifullah brought the case against the MoD to discover what happened to his family and whether the case had been thoroughly investigated by the British authorities. His father, two brothers, and a cousin were killed during a raid on his family’s home in Qala-e-Bost, east of Lashkar Gah in Helmand province in southern Afghanistan, under British occupation in 2011.
After the raid, Saifullah, who was 16 at the time, found his father, Haji Abdul Kaliq, 55, two brothers, Sadam, 23, and Atullah, 25, and a cousin shot dead. One of his brothers and his father had been handcuffed and hooded before being shot as they lay face down on the ground. Royal Military Police (RMP) officers had arrived at his family’s compound by helicopter and handcuffed and fingerprinted him, along with the other male members of his family, before he was taken to a barn with the women and children, where they were guarded by soldiers during the raid. He denies that his family had any weapons or were connected to the Taliban, the ostensible cause of the raid.
According to the 1977 Geneva Conventions, shooting civilians is only lawful if they are participating directly in hostilities. With no precise definition of “direct participation,” civilians are expected to be given the benefit of the doubt. Under UK domestic law, which is applicable to the armed forces, a soldier can use force to defend him/herself and others, including lethal force, only provided it is reasonable in the circumstances.
The MoD had previously maintained that it was unaware of any complaint about the raid until the family launched a legal case in 2013. But six years later, it transpired that the Royal Military Police (RMP) had interviewed 54 soldiers involved in the operation leading up to the raid on Saifullah’s family home, with the government’s lawyers claiming that none of those involved could remember very much about the operation.
The documents, first revealed by BBC TV’s Panorama and the Sunday Times, tell a different story. They confirm claims that the government covered up dozens of allegations—including by UK soldiers—of the killing of innocent civilians in Afghanistan and Iraq.
Philip Alston, the former UN Special Rapporteur on executions, told Panorama, “ I have no doubt that overall many of the allegations [of innocent people being killed] are justified, and that we can conclude that a large number of civilians were killed in night raids, totally unjustifiably.”
One of the e-mails, sent by an SAS officer the morning after the raid, described it as “the latest massacre!” and added, “I’ve heard a couple of rumours.” Another document revealed that there had been a secret review of suspicious killings and a string of related incidents in which the SAS had killed fighting-age men, often during a search of premises, allegedly because they had picked up a weapon.
According to the review that covered the first quarter of 2011, 23 people were killed and 10 guns were recovered in three operations. It was clear a senior officer examining the official reports filed about the SAS’s night raids was sceptical of their veracity, remarking on their similarity in that the detained men suddenly grabbed a weapon. He found at least five separate incidents where more people were killed than weapons were recovered. Taken together, this led him to conclude, “In my view there is enough here to convince me that we are getting some things wrong, right now.”
One SAS commander even wrote to London warning there was “possibly a deliberate policy” and that the SAS troops had potentially strayed into “indefensible behaviour” that could amount to being “criminal.”
His concern was that the killings were jeopardising the support of Afghan forces, which were refusing to accompany the British on night raids, and “put[ting] at risk the [redacted] transition plan and more importantly the prospects of enduring UK influence” in Afghanistan.
While the RMP had launched an investigation called Operation Northmoor into 657 allegations of abuse, mistreatment, and killings, including into the deaths of Saifullah’s family members, at the hands of British forces, the government closed it down in 2017. Once again, a three-year-long official probe, costing at least £10 million, failed to result in a single prosecution.
The corporate media had gone into overdrive, branding the investigations as a witch-hunt. The MoD filed complaints against the lawyers bringing civil suits against it, including against Saifullah’s lawyer Leigh Day. Leigh Day was cleared of wrongdoing after a six-week tribunal in September 2017.
In March, the government introduced legislation proposing a five-year limit on prosecutions for soldiers serving outside the UK. With its “presumption against prosecution” that gives the green light to future war crimes, including the mass murder of civilians, the military will now be above the law.
It was WikiLeaks publisher and journalist Julian Assange who, by publishing the Afghan war logs in 2010, a vast trove of leaked US military documents, first brought to the world’s attention evidence of the criminality of a war that has now lasted 19 years. The Afghan war logs exposed the myth that the occupation of Afghanistan was a “good war,” supposedly waged to defeat terrorism, extend democracy, and protect women’s rights. They revealed the mass killings of civilians by both US and UK forces, detailing at least 21 occasions when British troops opened fire on civilians.
It is not just those soldiers who perpetrated these crimes on behalf of British imperialism that have escaped punishment. The guilty include those at the top of the political and military ladder that planned and executed this criminal war, even as they plot new crimes, including catastrophic conflicts with nuclear-armed powers such as China and Russia.
Instead, the only two people who have faced criminal repercussions are those who reported the crimes: Chelsea Manning, who has endured a decade of persecution, and Julian Assange, who is imprisoned in Britain’s maximum-security Belmarsh Prison awaiting court hearings for his extradition to the US where he faces 175 years of imprisonment under the Espionage Act. The exposures of the horrors of both the Afghan and Iraq wars earned Assange the undying hatred of Britain’s political establishment, which is why they have hounded, intimidated, tortured and imprisoned him.
https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2020/08/06/nazi-a06.html
By Marianne Arens
6 August 2020
In the night of August 1, three men from Guinea were brutally attacked by neo-Nazis in Erfurt and had to be taken to hospital. One of them, a 21-year-old youth, suffered such severe head injuries that his condition was still considered “critical” days later; he is still in hospital.
It was in the early hours of the morning when the three happened to pass a neo-Nazi meeting place. They did not know that the “Neue Stärke Erfurt e.V.,” a martial arts club in a former shopping centre in the south of the city, had been occupied for five years by fascists from “Der III. Weg” (“The 3rd Way”) and used as a clubhouse. Several men standing around outside on that night attacked the three passers-by without any cause, beating and kicking them most brutally.
The police arrested 12 of them, but after a few hours, the violent perpetrators, all neo-Nazis known to the city authorities and the police, were free again. Senior Public Prosecutor Hannes Grünseisen, spokesman for Thuringia’s Public Prosecutor General’s Office, reported they were under investigation for committing “grievous bodily harm and breach of the peace.” However, since there was “no danger of a cover-up or of them fleeing,” there was “no reason for their detention.”
Witnesses are still being sought to clarify the exact course of events. The injured victims, whose death the Nazi thugs had accepted, are apparently out of the question as witnesses.
The attack is only the tip of an iceberg. In Erfurt, right-wing gangs of thugs can act completely freely and uninhibitedly under the eyes of the state authorities. This is what happened just a few days earlier, on July 18, when masked right-wing extremists attacked a group of young people celebrating in front of the state chancellery, where surveillance cameras record everything, day and night. At least five of the 12 or so attacked, including young women, were left lying on the floor, some of them seriously injured. As in the case of the Guineans, the Thuringian State Criminal Office (LKA) quickly took over the investigation—and apparently, let it fizzle out.
Last Saturday, about 400 protested in an Erfurt demonstration against racism, right-wing violence and its cover-up by the state. A spokeswoman for the Thuringian Ezra victim advisory service, Christin Fiedler, described the attack in front of the state chancellery:
“This was not a ‘mass brawl’ or ‘confrontation,’ but a targeted, coordinated and insidious attack on people celebrating peacefully by right-wing violent criminals, presumably experienced in martial arts. The perpetrators were partially masked and knew exactly what they were doing. They acted without restraint and with enormous brutality and knowingly accepted causing possible fatal injuries, for example by continuing to kick people who were lying unconscious on the ground.”
For Fiedler, the fact that the attack took place in public, with video monitoring directly in front of the building of the Thuringia state government shows “how secure the perpetrators felt, who did not even stop when the police were already on the scene.”
The fascist attacks in Erfurt are part of a wave of right-wing extremist and anti-Semitic violence. These have increased considerably in Germany. Even the federal Interior Minister, Horst Seehofer, had to admit this when he spoke of a “long trail of blood” in May, when presenting the police crime statistics, which leads from the actions of the neo-fascist NSU, responsible for a series of xenophobic murders, to the attacks in Munich, Halle and Hanau, to the murder of Kassel’s district president Walter Lübcke. Seehofer said, “The greatest threat in our country comes from the right.”
But the neo-Nazis and anti-Semites have no mass support among the population, unlike the 1930s. The majority hates and despises right-wing extremism and expresses this again and again—sometimes in mass demonstrations. The fascists only feel so strong because they know that the “state within the state”—the dark channels and neo-Nazi networks in the police, the Bundeswehr (Armed Forces) and the secret service—are at their side. That is why Erfurt’s well-known neo-Nazis, who are prepared to use violence, are again at large in the city, even though they have just beaten three Guineans half to death.
The decision to let them roam free evinces such open support for the right-wingers that Thuringia state interior minister Georg Maier (Social Democratic Party, SPD) felt compelled to publicly criticise it. “The Nazi thugs of Erfurt are all walking free again,” Maier tweeted. “I know it’s not my place to criticise the justice system, but it’s a disaster for the victims and the people of Herrenberg.” Herrenberg is the housing estate where the attack took place.
Like Seehofer, Maier is trying to cover his tracks. The federal interior minister showed his solidarity with radical right-wing protests in Chemnitz in September 2018, among other things. Maier is part of a state government in Thuringia, which is led by a state premier from the Left Party, Bodo Ramelow, and which courts the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) and seeks to cooperate with it. This was demonstrated only a few hours after Ramelow’s re-election in the spring.
On March 6, Ramelow used his casting vote to help the AfD take over the vice presidency of the Thuringia state legislature. Ramelow then explicitly stated on Twitter that he had “very fundamentally decided to use my vote to clear the way for parliamentary participation, which must be granted to every parliamentary group.”
The Left Party, for which many voters had only cast their ballot because they wanted to set an example against the right wing, thus very consciously ensured the AfD’s “parliamentary participation”—a party that plays down Nazism, fans racism and, especially in Thuringia, has open neo-Nazis in its ranks. It is precisely this policy of the Left Party and the SPD that strengthens and encourages the extreme right-wing gangs of thugs. The SPD interior minister is only concerned because the effects of the right-wing policies of the Ramelow government are visible. He is not taking any action in the matter, despite the public prosecutor’s office being part of his department.
Nazi parties such as “Die Rechte” (“The Right”) and “Der III. Weg” have been explicitly allowed to use the building in Erfurt-South, where the Guineans were attacked, as a clubhouse for five years. Undisturbed by the authorities, they organize right-wing rock concerts, martial arts training, and party meetings there. Enrico Biczysko, is a right-wing figurehead in Erfurt’s city council for the neo-Nazi National Democratic Party of Germany, and the neo-Nazis have friends and supporters in the judiciary and police.
The first police press release after the attack was already characteristic for this right-wing swamp. In officialese, it blandly states, “On 01.08.2020 at about 03:05, a verbal dispute between a group of three foreign fellow citizens and about 10 Germans occurred, which culminated in a physical confrontation. In the course of this quarrel, two persons with a migration background were injured, some of them seriously.” The cynicism of this police communication can hardly be surpassed. Through their presence in Germany, the Guineans had put themselves in danger and ultimately brought about their own injuries.
