David H. Koch
Related Profiles & Research
Credentials
Honorary Doctorate, Cambridge College, Inc. (2004). [1]
Master's Degree, Chemical
Engineering, Massachusetts Institute of Technology (1963). [2]
Bachelor's
Degree, Massachusetts Institute of Technology (1962). [2]
Background
David H. Koch, along with his
brother Charles Koch,
was a co-owner of Koch Industries, the second-largest
private company in America according to Forbes, with a
revenue of $100 billion as of December 2017. Forbes estimated David
Koch's net worth at $50.7 billion. Washington Post reported in
2018 that David was stepping down from Koch Industries and Americans for
Prosperity due to health issues. David Koch passed away on August 23, 2019. [3], [4], [58], [60]
David Koch served as executive vice president and
board member of Koch Industries Inc., a company spanning a range of
industries including petroleum, mining, fertilizers, financial trading, forest
and consumer products. He was also chairman and chief executive officer of Koch
Chemical Technology Group, LLC, a wholly-owned Koch subsidiary company.
Before joining Koch Industries in 1970, David Koch worked for Amicon
Corporation as a research and process design engineer. [5]
In addition to running Koch
Industries, the Koch brothers created a large number of right-wing
groups and have funneled millions of dollars into an extensive political
network. That network, which includes a wide range of groups fighting against
regulations on carbon emissions and denying the existence or seriousness of
man-made climate change, was first dubbed “the Kochtopus” by the some Libertarians in the late 1970s. [6]
Through his David
H. Koch Foundation, he funded a “Who's Who of the libertarian movement” including
organizations like the Heartland
Institute, Reason Foundation, Cato Institute, Citizens for a Sound Economy, the Institute for Justice, the Libertarian
Party, the Pacific
Research Institute for Public Policy, and many others. [7]
Greenpeace has described Koch
Industries as a “kingpin of climate science denial” and noted the
organization has outpaced ExxonMobil when it comes to donations to
organizations engaged in a public relations effort to attack climate science.
In an August 2010 issue of The New Yorker, Jane Mayer
outlined how the Koch network operates to combat environmental regulation and,
at the time, had consistently pushed against a wide range of
Obama-administration regulations. [8], [9]
Charles Lewis, the founder of
the nonpartisan watchdog group Center for Public Integrity, told
Meyer: [9]
“The Kochs are on a whole
different level. There’s no one else who has spent this much money. The sheer
dimension of it is what sets them apart. They have a pattern of lawbreaking,
political manipulation, and obfuscation. I’ve been in Washington since
Watergate, and I’ve never seen anything like it. They are the Standard Oil of
our times.” [9]
The Kochs actively supported the Libertarian Party in the 1970s and
early 1980s. David ran as the vice-presidential candidate for the Libertarian
Party in 1980, and advocated for the abolishment of Social Security, public schools, welfare,
the CIA, IRS, and FBI, asThe New York Times reported in 1984. Charles supported
his brother's vice presidential bid in 1980, and also heavily supports
libertarian groups like the Cato Institute. [11], [12], [13], [14]
Climate
Change Disinformation
A study by Yale University
researcher Dr. Justin Farrell, published
in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS),
examined over 20 years of data and found that ExxonMobil and the Koch brothers were key actors in
funding think tanks distributing climate change disinformation. [15], [16]
“The contrarian efforts have
been so effective for the fact that they have made it difficult for ordinary
Americans to even know who to trust,” Dr. Farrell told the Washington Post which was first
to cover the news of the study's release. “This counter-movement produced
messages aimed, at the very least, at creating ideological polarization through
politicized tactics, and at the very most, at overtly refuting current
scientific consensus with scientific findings of their own,” Dr.
Farrell said. [17]
From PNAS’s press
briefing note about the article by Dr. Farrell: [17]
Corporate funding likely
influences the nature and content of polarizing texts pertaining to climate
change, according to a study. Political polarization has become a hallmark of
climate change policy discussion, with multiple groups in various sectors
contributing to public discourse regarding climate and energy. To quantify the
influence of corporate funding in climate change discourse, Justin Farrell
analyzed more than 39 million words of text produced by 164 organizations
active in the climate change counter-movement between 1993 and 2013. The author
examined the ideological content of the produced texts, as well as the funding
behind the organizations that produced the texts.
Organizations with corporate
funding were more likely to have produced polarizing texts, the author found,
with ExxonMobil and the Koch family foundation acting as influential
funders (emphasis added). Further, according to the author, corporate funding
may have influenced the ideological content of produced texts. The results
suggest quantitative evidence of the influence of funding in the climate change
debate that had previously been hypothesized, and suggests an analytical model
for integrating texts with the social networks that created them, according to
the author. [17]
Another study, published in the journal Nature Climate Change (see full text here), written by Farrell, a professor of
sociology at Yale’s School of Forestry & Environmental Studies,
also examined the influence of the Koch network on climate change
communication. [18], [19]
“The individuals in this
bipartite network include interlocking board members, as well as many more
informal and overlapping social, political, economic and scientific ties,”
Farrell wrote in the report. “The organizations include a complex network of
think tanks, foundations, public relations firms, trade associations, and ad
hoc groups.” [19]
He described the Koch brothers
family foundations as “reliable indicators of a much larger effort of
corporate lobbying in the climate change counter-movement.” [19]
He found organizations taking
funds from “elite” corporate funders of climate denial like Exxon and the Koch
Brothers — groups like the CATO Institute,
the Heritage Foundation, and the Heartland
Institute — “have greater influence over flows of resources,
communication, and the production of contrarian information” than other denial
groups. [19]
Stance on Climate Change
July 25, 2010
In an interview
with New York magazine, David Koch suggested climate change would
be positive: [20]
“The Earth will be able to
support enormously more people because a far greater land area will be
available to produce food [due to climate change],” he said.
Key Quotes
December 2012
In an interview with Forbes, following Mitt Romney's loss in the most
recent election cycle, David Koch said: [21]
“We raised a lot of money and
mobilized an awful lot of people, and we lost, plain and simple. We’re
going to study what worked, what didn’t work and improve our efforts in the
future. We’re not going to roll over and play dead.”
October 14, 2012
In an issue of The
Wichita Eagle, David Koch was quoted: [22]
“We have some very large
refineries, and we have some great projects that we'd like to invest in to meet
the demands of our customers, that is, the aviation fuel customers, the heating
oil customers, and motor gasoline customers, and these refineries that we have…
Well, the EPA has been sitting on several hundred requests from
refineries and chemical plants to upgrade and expand their facilities. And
the EPA has only, since Obama's been president, granted one permit.
And that permit is being litigated by environmental groups blocking it, so refineries
are essentially paralyzed, they can't expand and improve their operations.
“My god, we're a
fossil-fuel-based society. And I think we're going to have, if this continues,
a big shortage of fuel to operate our economy.”
2007
In an interview with Brian
Doherty, as quoted at the Mises Institute, David Koch
said: [23]
“If we're going to give a lot
of money, we'll make darn sure they spend it in a way that goes along with our
intent. And if they make a wrong turn and start doing things we don't
agree with we withdraw funding. We do exert that kind of control.”
Key Deeds
November 2018
Documents uncovered by
the Center for Media and Democracy (CMD) and reported at Salon revealed how the Koch brothers
worked with the data firm i360 developed persuasion models to target
voters with tailored messages on certain issues. In 2016, i360 developed models
while working with Sen. Rob Portman’s 2016 re-election campaign in Ohio. [59]
After polling, i360 found
a “key local issue facing Ohio was the opioid epidemic” and subsequently
created a a “heroin model” and a “heroin treatment model” that were
effective at increasing voter support for Portman. [59]
“This manipulation of the
opioid crisis for political gain has a perverse irony given the Kochs’
long-running work to provide corporate interests, including health care and
pharmaceutical interests, with undue political power and influence over public
policy decision,” Salon reported. [59]
Heroin was only one
example of models that i360 developed to craft tailored messaging for Portman's
campaign. Other issue-based models included gun control immigration, energy,
pro-life, and marriage. [59]
June 2018
The Washington Post reported David Koch was stepping down from Koch Industries and Americans
for Prosperity due to health issues. Charles Koch announced in a letter to Koch
Industries employees that David's health was declining: [58]
“Unfortunately, these issues
have not been resolved and his health has continued to deteriorate,” Charles
Koch wrote in the letter, a copy of which was obtained by The Washington Post.
“As a result, he is unable to be involved in business and other organizational
activities. […] David has always been a fighter and is dealing with this
challenge in the same way.” [58]
Mark Holden, general counsel
of Koch Industries and co-chair of the Koch's political network, said David's
departure would not stall growth. [58]
“We greatly appreciate his
vital role on the board and all that he has done to help us build a strong
foundation for our future success,” Holden wrote in an email. [58]
October 2017
Writing at the New Yorker, Jane Mayer highlighted
the connections between the Koch brothers and Vice President
Mike Pence. While Charles Koch had once said that a choice between a Donald
Trump and Hillary Clinton presidency was one between “cancer or heart
attack,” the Kochs were “very excited about the Vice-Presidential
pick,” according to White House head of legislative affairs Marc Short. [24]
Democratic Senator Sheldon
Whitehouse worried that, if Pence were ever to replace Trump as president, it
would lead to undue influence by the Kochs:[24]
“If Pence were to become
President for any reason, the government would be run by the Koch
brothers—period. He’s been their tool for years,” Whitehouse said. [24]
Steve Bannon was also
concerned at the idea of Pence as President. “I’m concerned he’d be a President
that the Kochs would own,” Bannon told Meyer. [24]
Meyer highlighted Pence's
relationship with a range of Koch-funded think tanks including Americans for
Prosperity, describing it as a key to his rise. [24]
In 2009, Pence signed and
promoted the “No Climate Tax” pledge devised by the Americans for Prosperity,
which promised to avoid all spending on the curbing of carbon emissions. Pence
also made speeches denouncing the cap-and-trade bill. The Checks and Balances
Project found that, after Pence signed and promoted the AfP “No Climate Tax”
pledge, financial support to him from the Kochs increased dramatically. [24]
After signing the pledge,
Pence “was the Kochs’ guy, and they’ve been showering him with money ever
since,” Scott Peterson, the executive director of the Checks & Balances
Project, told Meyer. [24]
At a 2014 Americans for
Prosperity summit in Dallas, Pence said he was “grateful to have enjoyed”
David Koch’s support. [24]
April 2017
As reported by Hiroko Tabuchi at The New York Times, the Koch-funded
Americans for Prosperity publicly backed a measure that would cancel a $6,000
tax credit for electric vehicles in Colorado. [25]
April 2017
DeSmog reported that the 60 Plus
Association, a group funded by the Kochs, had lobbied for the Dakota Access
pipeline, a project in which a Koch subsidiary stood to profit. Koch subsidiary
Flint Hills Resources had proposed its own pipeline, Dakota Express, in January
2014. [26]
60 Plus increased its lobbying
efforts in September 2016, just as a protest movement against the pipeline grew
near the Standing Rock Sioux Reservation in Cannon Ball, North
Dakota. [26]
During that month, it sent
chairman Jim Martin to lobby for Dakota Access and to write an article
supporting the pipeline for the business and politics publication Morning Consult. [27]
January 5, 2017
On January 5, the U.S. House
of Representatives passed the REINS (Regulations from the Executive
in Need of Scrutiny) Act of 2017. As reported by DeSmog, the act had
been pushed for years by Koch-funded groups, and also had origins in Canada's SCRUB (Searching for and Cutting
Regulations that are Unnecessarily Burdensome) Act. [28], [29]
December 19, 2016
Despite past disagreements,
numerous news sources reported the Trump Administration was quickly being
populated by allies of the Kochs. Politico described it as “Trump's Koch administration,” while Talking Points
Memo noted that “Behind Make America Great, the Koch agenda has returned with a
vengeance.” Some have described Trump as an unwitting “puppet” of the
Koch brothers. [30], [31]
DeSmog outlined some of the connections between the Trump
Administration and the Koch brothers in a LittleSis network map,
embedded below. Scroll and zoom on the map to explore all the connections,
or click “Next” to zoom in on some of the featured relationships. [32]
November 3, 2016
The Koch Brothers were the subject of a documentary at Real News Network
titled “The Doubt Machine: The Koch Brothers' War on Climate Science,”
which examined how Koch-funded entities threatened climate scientists such
as Michael Mann and journalists like Jane Mayer. [33], [34]
View the
documentary below.
August 2016
The pro-fossil-fuel
organization Fueling U.S. Forward (FUSF) was launched using Koch dollars in the summer of
2016, working as a 501(c)(6) nonprofit business association, a designation
that allows its involvement in both lobbying and political activities. [35]
The group was headed
by industry lobbyist and executive Charles T.
Drevna, who confirmed to DeSmog that he was working with Koch
Industries board member James Mahoney. [35]
Peter Stone first revealed the Koch's then-unnamed campaign plan in
February 2016 at HuffPost. He reported the group hoped “to spend
about $10 million dollars per year to boost petroleum-based
transportation fuels and attack government subsidies for electric vehicles,
according to refining industry sources familiar with the plan.” [36]
As part of its campaign to
combat electric vehicle subsidies, FUSF produced videos claiming
that electric vehicle (EV) tax credits are a “massive wealth transfer from
poor to rich.” See the FUSF video “The Hidden Cost of Electric
Cars” archived below: [37]
DeSmog debunked the video, noting that cited figures
were from an outdated paper produced when only three plug-in electric
models were widely available to American drivers. [38]
The FUSF website
shut down in October 2017 and no longer appears to be in operation, however
DeSmog continues to document the Koch brothers' ongoing efforts to undermine
electric vehicles and renewable energy at KochVsClean.com. [38]
FUSF, which had sponsored a
gospel concert as part of its public relations effort, was later criticized for
a “an exploitative, sad and borderline racist strategy”
by Eddie Bautista, executive director of the NYC Environmental Justice
Alliance. [39]
July 2016
Three Koch groups were fined
by the Federal Election Commission (FEC) for concealing the sources of funds they spent on political
ads in 2010. The fines amounted to a combined total of $233,000. [40], [41]
The three groups involved were
the American Future Fund, 60 Plus Association and Americans for Job
Security, which had received funding from the Koch-connected Center to
Protect Patient Rights (CPPR), now American
Encore. [41]
The FEC found
that CPPR's funding had been set to be spent on independent expenditures
such as TV ads, and should have been disclosed. Classified as
501(c)(4) organizations, the groups are permitted to spend funds on political
advertising as long as it isn't their “primary activity.” However, if a donor
gives money specifically earmarked for spending on an election, it must be
disclosed to the FEC. [41]
2015/2016
In 2015, Politico reported the Koch brothers promised to spend
$889 million in the run-up to the 2016 elections, “a historic sum that in
many ways would mark Charles and David Koch and their fellow conservative
megadonors as more powerful than the official Republican Party.” [42]
In response to, among other
issues, the emergence of Donald Trump, the Koch brothers didn't spend the
promised funds. Roughly a year after their spending promise, the National Review reported that the Kochs were
“reevaluating their approach to politics.” [43]
Sources said that there
is “mounting evidence—reduced budgets, the shuttering and streamlining of
departments, the elimination of grants to allied political organizations, and
the departure of top executives—demonstrating a shift of resources and
attention away from federal campaign activity.” [43]
November 2015
As reported at Politico and at The New Yorker, the Kochs had been running a
“competitive intelligence team” to gather intelligence on liberal groups and
activists while monitoring potential threats to their network. [44], [45]
The Koch's team was made up of
a staff of 25, including one former CIA analyst, and its operations
included regular “intelligence briefing” emails with information on things
like tracking the canvassing, phone-banking and voter-registration efforts
of labor unions, environmental groups and their allies. [44], [45]
“Such stealth activities are
the kind that campaigns and party operatives often fantasize about but mostly
shy away from ― both because of cost and potential political backlash if
exposed,” 'Politico reported. [44]
June 25, 2012
As The New York Times reported, Charles and David
Koch agreed to revamp the Cato Institute's leadership to allow the group
to maintain political independence. This was after the Koch brothers had filed
two lawsuits seeking greater control over the Cato Institute's board. [46]
Charles Koch had helped found
the Cato Institute in 1977, and the family had donated more than $30
million to it by 2012. However, he and longtime chief executive Ed Crane
had a falling out due to what the NYT described as “management and
philosophical differences.” [46]
The Koch brothers had long
aimed to control a larger portion of the Cato Institute's 16-member board
to establish a “more direct pipeline between Cato and the family’s
Republican political outlets, including groups that Democrats complain have
mounted a multimillion-dollar assault on President Obama.” This had caused
tensions inside the governing structure, as Cato officials said this threatened
their reputation for independent research. [46]
Describing the lawsuit, then-Cato president Edward H. Crane said: [47]
“This is an effort by the
Kochs to turn the Cato Institute into some sort of auxiliary for the G.O.P. What
he is doing now is detrimental to Cato, it’s detrimental to Koch Industries,
it’s detrimental to the libertarian movement.” [47]
The Kochs eventually withdrew
the lawsuit on the condition that Ed Crane retired. Greenpeace reported that before the attempted Koch
takeover, Cato was seen as a “relatively independent think tank, willing to
criticize both democrat and republican administrations,” but that the Kochs had
wanted “the power to fold Cato into their suite of other front groups, making
it another Koch-controlled cog in the republican political machine.” [48]
2012
Koch Industries was among
several organizations including ExxonMobil, Chevron, America's
Natural Gas Alliance (ANGA), Peabody
Energy, Edison Electric Institute, and other industry groups who lobbied
for the “Energy Tax Prevention Act of 2011,” designed to block
the EPA from regulating greenhouse gas emissions under the Clean Air
Act. [49]
January 3, 2011
As detailed in her 2016
book, Dark Money, New Yorker staff reporter Jane Mayer
received unfounded plagiarism accusations after she
published an investigative piece on the Koch brothers in The New
Yorker. [50]
“Their aim, according to a
well-informed source, was to counteract The New Yorker’s story on the Koch
brothers by undermining me,” wrote Mayer. “'Dirt, dirt, dirt' is what the
source later told me they were digging for in my life. 'If they couldn’t find it,
they’d create it.'”[50]
As she detailed in “Dark
Money,” with verification from a source who spoke on the condition of
anonymity, a group called Vigilant Resources International (VRI) had received a
retainer fee to help along the charges of plagiarism. [50]
Mayer received plagiarism
inquiries from the right-wing The Daily Caller, as well as others
from The Washington Post, ThinkProgress, and others. [50]
“Paul Kane, a reporter at The
Washington Post, quickly looked up the story in question and sent me an e-mail
saying, 'Not only did you not steal from me, you Frickin’ credited me in
the VERY NEXT line,'” Mayer explained in “Dark Money.” “The
New Yorker had even linked to his story online. And, I later learned, my
husband, who was then an editor at The Washington Post, had edited the story
that I supposedly stole.” [50]
Lee Fang, now a reporter
at The Intercept, also said that Mayer had properly credited him in her
story. [50]
“With only a few hours
before these allegations were set to go online, all I could do was to try to
get out the truth before the lies were spread,” Mayer explained. “By midnight,
I had reached three of the four authors from whom I was alleged to have plagiarized.
All offered to make public statements supporting me and denying I had
misappropriated their work.” [50]
“In the end, even the Daily
Caller found the allegations to be unfounded, and to its credit, abandoned the
story,” wrote the New York Post. “The story is dead but the
person or persons behind the allegations remains a shadowy mystery.” [50]
A source later told Mayer
that Nancy Pfotenhauer, former head of Koch's Americans
for Prosperity/Citizens for a Sound Economy, as well as a former Koch
Industries lobbyist in Washington, DC, had been a key part of the
effort. [50]
Affiliations
Note that David Koch was reportedly stepping down from his positions at AfP and Koch
Industries, according to reports in summer 2018. [58]
Cato Institute — Formerly
listed as a Director (as recently as 2016). [54]
Citizens for a Sound Economy Foundation (Later Americans
for Prosperity) — Established in 1984 by Charles and David Koch. [55]
Koch Industries
Koch
Industries, Inc. — Former Executive Vice President and Director. [4]
Koch Membrane Systems,
Inc. — Former Chairman of the Board. [57]
Koch Chemical Technology
Group, LLC — Former Chairman of the board and chief executive officer. [5]
Koch Foundations
David H. Koch Charitable
Foundation — Former Director.
Fred C. and Mary R. Koch
Foundation — Former Director.
Social Media
@Koch_Industries on Twitter.
Publications
Jane Mayer (2016). Dark Money: The Hidden History of the Billionaires Behind the
Rise of the Radical Right. Doubleday.
Investigative Reporting
Jane
Mayer at The New Yorker has produced a long series of
investigative reporting pieces on the Koch brothers:
“Can Time Inc. Survive the Kochs?”The New Yorker, November
28, 2017.
“In the Withdrawal from the Paris Climate Agreement, the Koch
Brothers’ Campaign Becomes Overt,” The New Yorker, June
5, 2017.
“A Whistle-Blower Accuses the Kochs of 'Poisoning' an
Arkansas Town,” The New Yorker, September 9, 2016.
“Koch for Clinton? Not a Chance,” The New Yorker, April
26, 2016.
“New
Koch,” The New Yorker, January 25, 2016.
“Do the Kochs Have their Own Spy Network,” The New
Yorker, November 18, 2015.
“The Koch Brothers in California?“ The New Yorker,
October 25, 2013.
“Paying for 'Citizen Koch',” The New Yorker, August
13, 2013.
“Koch Pledge Tied to Congressional Climate Inaction,” The
New Yorker, June 30, 2013.
“Stephen Colbert on David Koch and PBS,” The New
Yorker, May 23, 2013.
“A Word from Our Sponsor,” The New Yorker, May
27, 2013.
“The Kochs V. Cato: Winners and Losers,”The New Yorker, June
27, 2012.
“Kochs Vs. Cato, Round Two,” The New Yorker, March
5, 2012.
“The Kochs Vs. Cato,” The New Yorker, March
1, 2012.
“Hermain Cain and the Kochs,” The New Yorker, October
20, 2011.
“Cain and His Brothers,” The New Yorker, November 4, 2011.
“Covert Operations,” The New Yorker, August
30, 2010.
Resources
“Honorary Degrees 2004,” University of Cambridge.
Archived December 28, 2017. Archive.is URL: https://archive.is/PjazV
“No. 11: David Koch,” The Chronicle of Philanthropy,
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“#2
Koch Industries,” Forbes. Archived December 28, 2017. Archive.is URL: https://archive.is/cOk7p
“David Koch,” Fobes,
December 27, 2017. Archive.is URL: https://archive.is/HVWbu
“The Making of the Kochtopus,” Mother Jones, November
3, 2014. Archived December 27, 2017. Archive.is URL: https://archive.is/s0buk
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Government, archived February 26, 2007. Archive.is URL: https://archive.is/4CWKJ
“Koch Industries: Secretly Funding the Climate Denial Machine (PDF), Greenpeace, March 2010.
Jane
Meyer. “Covert Operations,” The New Yorker, August 30,
2010. Archived December 28, 2017. Archive.is URL:https://archive.is/DWBMP
“Koch Brothers Are Largest U.S. Lease-Holders In
Oilsands,” HuffPost, March 21, 2014. Archived December 28, 2017. Archive.is URL: https://archive.is/AJs2z
Nicholas
Confessore. “Quixotic ’80 Campaign Gave Birth to Kochs’ Powerful Network,” The
New York Times, May 17, 2014. Archived February 19, 2018. Archive.is URL: https://archive.is/EUIIj
Charlotte
Curtis. “MAN WITHOUT A CANDIDATE,” The New York
Times, October 16, 1984. Archive.is URL:https://archive.is/rueHq
Phil
Kerby. “The Libertarians: Freedom to a Fault,” Los Angeles Times,
September 13, 1979.
Justin
Farrell. “Corporate funding and ideological polarization about climate
change,” PNAS Vol. 113. No. 1 (January 5, 2016). View
full PDF here.
Brendan
DeMelle. “Research Confirms ExxonMobil, Koch-funded Climate Denial Echo
Chamber Polluted Mainstream Media,” DeSmog, November 23, 2015.
Joby
Warrick. “Why are so many Americans skeptical about climate change? A
study offers a surprising answer.” The Washington Post, November 23,
2015. Archive.is URL: https://archive.is/j8wOC
Mike
Gaworecki. “New Study Exposes True Extent, Influence Of Climate Denial Echo
Chamber For First Time,” DeSmog, Decembe 1, 2015.
Justin
Farrell. “Network
structure and influence of the climate change counter-movement,” Nature
Climate Change 6, 370–374 (2016). Full text on DropBox.
“The
Billionaire's Party,” New York, July 25, 2010. Archived December 28, 2017. Archive.is URL: https://archive.is/sHzng
“Forbes: Inside the Koch Empire, Including an Exclusive
Interview with Charles and David Koch,” Forbes, December 5, 2012.
Archive.is URL: https://archive.li/II5wd
“In His own Words: David Koch, executive vice president and a
board member of Koch Industries,” The Wichita Eagle, October 14, 2012.
Retrieved from issuu.com.
“A Fairy Tale of the Austrian Movement,” MisesInstitute,
September 25, 2007. Archived December 28, 2017. Archive.is URL: https://archive.is/PeGdD
Jane
Mayer. “The Danger of President Pence,” The New Yorker,
October 23, 2017. Archived December 28, 2017. Archive.is URL: https://archive.is/0mJYh
Hiroko
Tabuchi. “Behind the Quiet State-by-State Fight Over Electric Vehicles,” The
New York Times, March 11, 2017. Archive.is URL: https://archive.is/cvnsu
Steve
Horn. “How the Koch Machine Quietly Pushed for the Dakota Access
Pipeline and Stands to Profit,” DeSmog, April 8, 2017.
“Lobbying Report,” Secretary of the Senate Office of Public
Records, 2016.
Steve
Horn. “GOP Congress, Trump Already Pushing Koch Industries' Bill
to Hobble Regulatory Agencies,” DeSmog, January 5, 2017.
Steve
Horn,. “Pass a Regulation, Repeal Another: House Approves Provision
Tied to Koch Industries,” DeSmog, January 6, 2017.
Kenneth
P. Vogel and Eliana Johnson. “Trump's Koch administration,” Politico, November 28,
2016. Archived December 28, 2017. Archive.is URL: https://archive.is/BKGoc
Alexander
Hertel-Fernandez, Theda Skocpol, and Caroline Tervo. “Behind 'Make America Great,' the Koch Agenda Returns with
a Vengeance,” Talking Points Memo, November 21, 2016. Archived December 28, 2017. Archive.is URL: https://archive.is/F3OeB
Ben
Jervey. “The Trump Administration Is Filling Up With Koch Allies,” DeSmog,
December 19, 2016.
“The Doubt Machine: Documentary Explores Koch Brothers' War on
Climate Science,” DeSmog, November 3, 2016.
“The Doubt Machine: Inside The Koch Brothers' War on Climate
Science,” The Real News.com. Accessed December 28, 2017.
Sharon
Kelly. “New
Koch-Funded Group ‘Fueling US Forward’ Aims to Promote the
'Positives' of Fossil Fuels,” Desmog, August 14, 2016.
Peter
Stone. “The Kochs Are Plotting A Multimillion-Dollar Assault On
Electric Vehicles,” The Huffington Post, February 19, 2016. Archive.is URL: https://archive.is/jXPA4
“Hidden
Costs of Electric Cars,” YouTube video uploaded by user “Fueling U.S. Forward”
on July 11, 2017 (no longer available online). Archived .mp4 on file
at DeSmog.
Ben
Jervey. “Koch Front Group, Fueling US Forward, Bashes Electric
Car Tax Credits in Latest Misleading Video,” DeSmog, July
22, 2017.
Ben
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Profile image by Gage Skidmore
[CC BY-SA 3.0], via Wikimedia Commons
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