Thursday, June 27, 2019

Hegel and Freud









Mladen Dolar (2012)

Hegel and Freud have nothing in common, it would seem; there is everything to oppose them. On the one hand: the speculative philosopher of absolute spirit whose system encompassed every sphere of being – logic, nature, and spirit – and who is reputed to be the most obscure and difficult in the entire grand philosophical tradition; on the other hand: a man of medical formation, a therapist who in all his work took clinical practice as his guideline and only gradually extended some psychological insights into larger circles of culture, civilization, and history. On the one hand: not only a philosopher, but a philosopher par excellence, the paradigmatic example of a philosopher who managed to encapsulate in his system all the themes and achievements of the metaphysical tradition; on the other hand: a man of natural science who adamantly opposed philosophy as such and even saw attempts to turn psychoanalysis into a new philosophical current as one of his discipline’s greatest dangers. On the one hand: not only a German, but seemingly a German par excellence, a model of German spirit, or even the Prussian state philosopher, as the adage goes; on the other hand: a Jew who already in his young days experienced the pressure of anti-Semitism and eventually, despite his fame, lived his final days in exile, his books burned by a regime that was, ironically, evoking Hegel. And finally, on the one hand the philosopher who relied more than anyone else in the history of philosophy on the powers of reason, concepts, and knowledge; on the other hand someone who more than anyone else took his cue from something that inherently escapes those powers or presents their fissure – this fissure forms the very object of psychoanalysis, of entities such as the unconscious and the drives.

In this last point there is something that strangely connects Hegel and Freud. They both stand in excess, such that when one invokes their names the temperature rises, it seems that there is no way one could speak about one or the other from the point of view of neutral, objective, and impartial knowledge, to allot them a just place in the gallery of great minds, as if both, although for opposing reasons, represented something that established knowledge—what Lacan economically called the university discourse—cannot quite swallow. Both tend to produce either zealous followers or equally zealous enemies; they still retain the capacity to provoke passions, although the nature of their excesses is opposite. Hegel, the vintage university professor if there ever was one, with an excess of knowledge best epitomized by his claim to absolute knowledge—the moment a form of knowledge stakes a claim to the absolute is a neuralgic point that no university discourse can digest if it is to retain its demeanor of neutrality and objectivity. Freud, with the opposite claim to an errant truth with no guarantee and no usual verification, which denies him academic credentials. In brief, absolute knowledge and the unconscious, two boundaries of knowledge, the upper and the lower—on the one hand, the knowledge that strives to overstep its limits by its claim to the absolute; on the other hand, a hole in knowledge, a slippage of knowledge where desires, drives, symptoms, and fantasies start seeping in. If absolute knowledge and the unconscious still function as unplaceable excesses, what could be their link?

Perhaps one could say, prima facie, that what Hegel and Freud have in common is that they both swear by science. For Hegel, one needn’t look far: he published his first book, The Phenomenology of Spirit, as the first part of a more general work titled The System of Science; his second book was called The Science of Logic; his third book was Encyclopedia of the Philosophical Sciences. So “science” is conspicuously his master word. There is a thesis in this: any science worthy of its name should have a philosophical underpinning, and any philosophy worthy of its name should raise the claim to science, so that ultimately, philosophy and science should coincide in synonymy. For Freud, the science that he is after should by no means become philosophy and will only be able to maintain its scientific claims if it stays clear of philosophy. He saw himself emphatically as a man of science, but of a science as far apart from Hegel’s notion as could be.


Their attitudes toward science can be further illustrated by two anecdotal sayings. Hegel notoriously maintained that if facts contradict theory, then “um so schlimmer für die Fakten”—so much the worse for the facts. This can be seen as indicative of the paramount arrogance of a philosophy that takes no notice of such trivialities as empirical data. But for Hegel, facts cannot contradict theory not because of their lowly nature, but because they are always facts only if seized by a concept; a fact can acquire the dignity of a fact only by virtue of a concept that has selected it and represented it as relevant, so that there is no common ground where facts and concepts could meet, no interface between the two, and if there is indeed a confrontation it is only ever between concepts and concepts. Freud’s stance is epitomized by a saying of his mentor in psychiatric matters, Charcot: “la théorie, c’est bon, mais ça n’empêche pas d’exister,” or theory is all right, but it doesn’t prevent something from existing. So something exists in spite of theory, it stubbornly asserts in the face of the concept; the stance would be: do not give way on what presents and re-presents itself in spite of basis of received theories (including Freud’s own, for he had no qualms about jeopardizing his own theories if something continued to exist in spite of them), be it as slight as a slip of the tongue or as intrusive as a trauma and symptoms. And what is the unconscious but something that manifests in spite of all the spontaneous theories that frame our understanding? What is, for example, the death drive but a thrust of pure insistence that can never quite be pinned to facts. But how can one make a theory of what exists in spite of theory, of what is recalcitrant to theory? What kind of universality can one construct on the basis of this flimsy, vanishing factuality, something that vanishes the moment it is produced?

There is an opposite trajectory to trace: Hegel places himself in the realm of universality from the outset, but this initial universality can only be an empty one that immediately has to lose itself, has to pass into its other if it is to be universal at all, has to espouse and encompass all factuality in its own movement of self-othering (Sichanderswerden), and can be a concept only if it has the power to fully embrace its other, that is, by the process of its mediation—there is no concept outside its mediation with its other. On the other hand, Freud places himself in the cracks of universality, its quirks, something it cannot encompass with any conceptual endeavor, yet something that is not outside the concept but is rather its inner edge. One has to maintain the stance of science to get to it, but encore un effort is called for in order to extend the enterprise of Galilean science into such tiny cracks as dreams, slips, and jokes. Can there be a Galilean science of these tiny things? To arrive at a universality from that position demands a speculative effort no lesser than Hegel’s.


Hegel and Freud have no common measure, yet there is a point of contingent encounter. There are about half a dozen extant portraits of Hegel, which depict him at various ages. All of them are well known, and they do what portraits were supposed to do: they present his public image, in the somewhat stiff postures that one inevitably assumes when in the public eye. All except one, that is, a conspicuous exception: the lithograph by Ludwig Sebbers, which shows Hegel at home, sitting at his desk, wearing a dressing gown and something like a nightcap. It is a very striking image because of the ironic discrepancy, no doubt intended, between the massive claims of this philosopher of the universal world-spirit and his homely attire.1].” So it is only appropriate to picture Hegel at the apical moment of philosophy, between dusk and turning in for sleep.] It was with this image in mind that Heinrich Heine wrote (in the late 1820s, while Hegel was still alive) what are no doubt the best verses ever devoted to Hegel; there wasn’t much competition for this, for Hegel didn’t quite inspire poetry.


Life and the world’s too fragmented for me!
A German professor can give me the key.
He puts life in order with skill magisterial,
Builds a rational system for better or worse;
With nightcap and dressing-gown scraps for material
He chinks up the holes in the universe.2

Heine, somewhat divided between his affection for Hegel and sharp criticisms of him, produced a short-circuit between the rational system of Hegel’s philosophy, reputed to be capable of putting life in rational order and providing it with sense, and Hegel’s particular, trivial, private apparel, a far cry from concepts, but whose makeshift material is nevertheless put to philosophical use; even more: its secret mission is to hold together the philosophical edifice by filling its cracks. The bottom line is that the dressing gown may figure as the secret truth of the system, or even that there is an equation between the two, in a parody of Hegelian infinite judgment: Hegel famously maintained that “spirit is a bone,” thus juxtaposing two entities at maximum distance with no common measure. One could say, following Heine, “spirit is a nightcap.”

Freud was extremely fond of Heine and missed no opportunity to quote some line or witticism of his in his own work. He was particularly fond of the last two lines of the same poem, although he never referred them to Hegel in particular but only to philosophy in general. In The New Introductory Lectures (1932), when debating the question of Weltanschauung, “the world-view,” arguing that psychoanalysis cannot possibly present a world-view and that philosophy cannot escape being one, Freud says the following:


[Philosophy] departs from [science] by clinging to the illusion of being able to present a picture of the universe which is without gaps and is coherent […]. It goes astray in its method by over-estimating the epistemological value of our logical operations […]. And it often seems that the poet’s derisive comment is not unjustified when he says of the philosopher: “Mit seinen Nachtmützen und Schlafrockfetzen / Stopft er die Lücken des Weltenbaus. [With his nightcaps and the tatters of his dressing gown he patches up the gaps in the structure of the universe.]”3

So the philosopher—and Hegel, as the archetypal philosopher, is the target, although Freud was not aware of that—does two things that are seemingly opposed but which actually support each other: he overestimates logic and epistemology, relies on the operations of reason and knowledge, has excessive and self-delusive confidence in their power, and on the other hand he patches up the cracks of this edifice with the means at hand, with the trivial, the homely, literally with the stopgaps, the makeshift scraps—the partial objects? There is a concurrence of the high and the low, of elevated logical and epistemological concerns and the trifling, the frivolous which has to supplement its opposite. The epistemological construction of the universe cannot succeed without the production of gaps, and the philosopher must then endeavor to fill them in with some much lowlier means. To push the paradox further, how can we bring together Hegel’s claim to absolute knowledge and the nightcap and the scraps of the dressing gown? Does the secret of reason finally lie in the incongruous nightcap?

Freud uses the same lines by Heine in The Interpretation of Dreams (1900), as well, in a very different but also very telling way. The discussion here concerns a tricky point in the theory of dreams, what Freud calls die sekundäre Bearbeitung, the secondary revision. The dream proceeds in a haphazard way from one element to the next (this is what constitutes for Freud the primary process), it’s all a hodgepodge, but as the dream goes along it continues to revise itself, it keeps trying to fit the elements that have emerged into a narrative, into a sequence endowed with some logic and sense. The paradox is that this happens while dreaming, as part and parcel of the dream-work itself, so that we are never confronted with a dream pure and simple, but with a version that has “always already” been revised, submitted to secondary adjustment and modification within the dream itself. Interpretation happens during the dream, on the part of the dream, prior to any conscious interpretation. Dreams (some, not all) “might be said to have been already interpreted once, before being submitted to waking interpretation.”4

This is where Freud brings in Heine’s lines:

This function behaves in the manner which the poet maliciously ascribes to philosophers: it fills up the gaps in the dream-structure with shreds and patches. As a result of its efforts, the dream loses its appearance of absurdity and disconnectedness and approximates to the model of an intelligible experience.5

There is an unconscious philosopher lurking in the midst of the dream, the dreaming philosopher lying low in the primary process, turning the primary into the secondary—and, to put it briefly, there is no primary process without the secondary process. The unalloyed unconscious, the virgin unconscious, never presents itself as such, “in person,” its gaps and inconsistencies are rather always already at least partly filled in and made presentable. Yet the unconscious philosopher, stopping the gaps and providing sense, is usually less successful than his conscious counterpart. The unconscious philosopher is a bad philosopher who doesn’t manage to cover up his traces, he always lets the cat, at least part of the cat, out of the bag. The secondary revision can never quite cover up the marks and vestiges of the primary process—and if in some very rare cases it does, if it manages to come up with a narrative “faultlessly logical and reasonable,” then Freud tells us that those are the toughest cases to interpret:

Dreams which are of such kind have been subjected to a far-reaching revision by this psychical function that is akin to waking thought; they appear to have a meaning, but that meaning is as far removed as possible from their true significance.6

There are dreams that appear to make perfect sense because they have been thoroughly shaped and interpreted by a sense-making instance in the dream itself, but this is why their apparent making-sense is so deceptive. They appear not to be in need of interpretation at all, but it requires maximum effort on the part of the interpreter to debunk what is hidden behind the dream’s façade (so that the biggest delusion pertains to what evidently makes sense and apparently needs no interpretation). If the unconscious philosopher is thorough and leaves no traces, then this is the greatest mirage, the seeming transparency is the greatest opaqueness. One might take philosophy as a dream of this kind: a successfully, utterly revised dream that has allegedly managed to cover up all the traces, to fill in all the cracks, and it therefore presents the toughest nut to crack for analytic interpretation.

To put it in a nutshell, to follow Freud’s image, the unconscious is a gap, and meaning is the stopgap. Meaning provides a narrative, which begins already in the work of “the unconscious philosopher”; the work of meaning is a counterpart to the workings of the unconscious. The unconscious and the philosopher are a couple in an odd division of labor: one makes the holes, the other fills them in. If there is a diagnosis of the philosophical endeavor as such at stake, then this business of philosophy starts already in the unconscious—the philosopher has an accomplice in the unconscious, which starts stopping the gaps even before philosophy starts filling them in. The unconscious is effaced at the same time that it is produced, and the one who effaces it is the unconscious philosopher struggling to make sense and provide a narrative account free of gaps. The philosophical illusion is structural, it has its basis in the unconscious itself as effacement.

Freud never really engages with Hegel, never considers using any of his concepts, as he does with many other philosophers, for better or worse. Yet, there is this unexpected scene of unwitting confrontation, through the bias of Heine, where what is at stake is not merely Hegel, but the nature of philosophical endeavor, Hegel functioning yet again as the model philosopher. The diagnosis: there is a blind spot in philosophy, namely, its incapacity to come to terms with the unconscious, its being prey to a fantasy that it cannot give up as long as it remains philosophy. But this move is not something that happens in the high realms of spirit; rather, it is working already in the unconscious, which can only proceed by effacing itself and which cannot help but make sense. The split is already the inner split of the unconscious, the philosophical fantasy intervenes in the midst of the dream, in the split between the primary and the secondary; the search for stopgaps at hand has always already begun.

This image of the nightcap and the gaps in the structure of universe, picturesque and entertaining as it is, is no doubt also naïve and reliant on an indiscriminate view of philosophy as a whole, as well as of Hegel in particular. I am using it not to confirm it but because it leads us to something essential. Pursuing this image, one could say that Hegel’s great achievement lies in presenting the exact opposite of this image of philosophy, not in patching up the cracks in the universe, but in taking the crack itself as the very principle of the universe, if I may adopt this massive parlance. If there is something bewildering and interesting in Hegel, then it resides in his grandiose effort to pursue the crack not as a failure, a malfunction, but as an enabling principle, to take it as the productivity of the negative. He saw his task not as filling in the cracks, but as producing a scission where there seemed to be none, a scission that enables any positive entity. But here is an edge: are Hegel and Freud speaking about the same crack? If there is a scission, then it is between what and what?7]. Without the least return upon itself, without the connection between the final and the initial (inaugural).” Alain Badiou, Théorie du sujet(Paris: Seuil, 1982), 21–2. The good Hegel would be the Hegel of scission, i.e. of a non-symmetrical contradiction which cannot be sublated into a higher unity.]


Let me proceed from a single quote. In the Preface to the Phenomenology, Hegel sinned, for once, against his own principle that any fundamental principle of philosophy is flawed in the very fact of being a fundamental principle. The worth of a philosophy cannot be measured in any foundational claim or proposition, a principle can prove its worth only through its mediation, by leaving behind and thus negating the foundational moment through a development, a deployment, a production, which alone can spell out what the principle was supposed to be. Yet for once, Hegel proposed the fundamental adage that everything depends on a single statement, namely, that the true is not to be comprehended only as a substance but equally as a subject—in brief, substance is subject. This operates as a meta-principle which disqualifies and renders inoperative all foundational principles. I will not dwell on interpretation of this here—volumes have been written on this single sentence (in particular by Slavoj Žižek)—I will have to assume some of that. I will try to clarify matters somewhat through a particular angle, the quote I have in mind, which follows soon after:


The disparity which takes place in consciousness between the I and the substance which is its object is their distinction, the negative itself. It can be viewed as the lack [Mangel] of the two, but it is their very soul, that is, it is what moves them. This is why certain ancients conceived of the void [das Leere] as what moved things [das Bewegende] since they conceived of what moves things as the negative, but they did not yet grasp this negative as the self [das Selbst].8


So what holds together the two terms of this notorious proposition, the substance and the subject? The substance as the supposed unitary principle underlying being, and subjectivity? Hegel’s statement claims that both terms are affected by a lack, a void, a negativity. The very soul of each is a lack, their soul is a lack in the soul that moves them. Substance and subject overlap in lack as the only point they have in common—but how to understand this? Hegel, in order to illustrate it and give this stance a pedigree stretching back to the very beginnings of the history of philosophy, links it to ancient atomism. Hegel, the arch-idealist, always sees in atomism a crucial speculative turn. He writes in his Logic,


The atomistic principle, with these first thinkers, didn’t remain in exteriority, but apart from its abstraction contained a speculative determination, that the void was recognized as the source of movement. This implies a completely different relation between atoms and the void than the mere one-beside-the-other [Nebeneinander] and mutual indifference of the two. […] The view that the cause of movement lies in the void contains that deeper thought that the cause of becoming pertains to the negative.9


The greatness of atomism, for Hegel, lies in what it introduced as the object of thought, the way the minimal element is always split into itself and a void. Atomization is a simple and radical way to submit matter to count, to reduce it to indivisible countable elements (which can be counted as one), but in the very same move this atomic element, this elementary particle, introduces the void, in which atoms move and which is indeed the very principle of their movement, das Bewegende. An element and the void don’t simply exist one beside the other, they belong together to the point of forming a single redoubled entity composed of the atom and the void, one and lack. However far and wide we seek a minimal element, we never arrive at one minimal and indivisible, but rather at the division as irreducible. The minimal element is this division itself, not any positive entity. The void is, as it were, the Platonic missing half of the element as one, and it answers this description by indeed being missing. Hegel’s atom, his elementary particle, is thus the atom itself in this precise sense: that which cannot be divided any further is the division, the split on which any unity is premised.


But, Hegel pursues in this passage, while the ancients saw well the principle of negativity in the void, splitting any element at its root, they failed to grasp in this negativity the very place of the self, the subject. They saw that substance is permeated by the void, enfolding the lack in its bosom, but they had no inkling that this would have a relation to the place of the subject. This is Hegel at his most minimal—the place of the subject, in the adage “substance is subject,” is nothing other than this scission itself, this cut in being introduced by the void as the moving principle. It is in the void that being and thought intersect. As he states in the History of Philosophy,


This break [interruption, Unterbrechung] is the other side of atoms, the void. The movement of thought is such a movement that has in itself the break (thought is in man precisely what atoms and the void are in things, the inner [das Denken ist im Menschen eben das, was die Atome und das Leere in den Dingen, sein Inneres]).10


So thinking is the break of being, its Unterbrechung, its interruption, and what thought and its objects have in common is the break that interrupts objectivity through void. Thought and world intersect in the void. It is not a question here of whether atomism is a good theory—Hegel will not endorse it in his own account of being—nor of whether this is a good interpretation of atomism; the point is that atomism includes a certain insight which Hegel sees as valid and far-reaching, namely, that there is a principle of negativity which moves both thought and being, that this principle forms the inside of both at their core, sein Inneres, and that the way in which substance and subject hang together should be pinned to this principle.


Subject, as Hegel understands this entity, is no positive being and has no being, it is to be placed in the break, and this is what pushes each entity into unrest (eben diese Unruhe ist das Selbst)—the self is nothing but the unrest of one, its split, it dwells in the impossibility of any entity being equal to itself. The subject is what pushes it beyond itself, it is nothing but this disparity, the invisible part that causes disparity (Ungleichheit). If one wanted to spell out Hegel’s project in a phrase, to give it an atomic form, to arrive at the atom of Hegel’s thought, one could say: from atom to cogito. There is a short-circuit in this phrase that immediately links the atomists’ introduction of the void, the speculative unity of the one and the void, with the figure of subjectivity as it emerged with the Cartesian cogito. The novelty of cogito was precisely that it discarded the previous modes of thought about subjectivity (soul, consciousness, individuality) and introduced the subject at the point of a break in the great chain of being. (Žižek has put it many times over, “cogito is the crack in the edifice of being.”) It is not a substance, although Descartes himself pinned it the very next moment to res cogitans, but is quite the opposite, at least in Hegel’s radical understanding of it, it is what prevents any substance, any underlying principle of unity, to ever persist in equality with itself. There is a crack in being, already encapsulated by the void in ancient atomism, like a place that was waiting for the subject, as it were. To simplify matters utterly, if substance was the keyword of philosophy, the guiding idea of bringing multiplicity to one underlying principle, beyond appearances and change, then one could say that the subject, in Hegel, is the name of one splitting into two, of the impossibility of any substance being one. But which two? Are the atom and the void enough for this split?
Hegel treats the notion of clinamen with some contempt. He says in the History of Philosophy that Epicurus takes the atoms as equal in weight and therefore as moving in the same way until their straightforward movement is slanted


in a curbed line [in einer krummen Linie] which somewhat departs from the straight direction, so that they collide with each other, thus forming a merely superficial unity, not stemming from their essence.11


In a way, all of Hegel’s ambiguity is contained in this passage. We could ask the following question: Does clinamen belong to essence? Or is it merely an external addition? Is it atom’s essential or external fate? Let me bring in Deleuze, who is not exactly a Hegelian but who gives to this question a very Hegelian answer, more Hegelian even than Hegel. This is from the appendix on Lucretius in The Logic of Sense:


Clinamen or declination has nothing to do with the slanting movement which would come to modify by accident a vertical fall. It is present since always: it is not a secondary movement nor a secondary determination of movement which would occur at a certain moment at a particular place. Clinamen is the originary determination of the direction of movement of an atom.12


So clinamen has always already happened, it is the disparity inscribed in the definition of the atom from the outset, its disparity with itself. The atom is its own declination, the divided unity not merely of one and the void, but also in this and through this the unity of the entity with its own declination, straying away from itself. It is not a secondary fate that would befall the atom in itself in its supposed straight path—once one has departed from the path, one supposes the straight direction, but a direction that doesn’t exist in itself. Straying retroactively produces the in-itself, and this is where the subject comes in. One could summarily say, bringing things together, that the subject is the clinamen of substance, the way that it always necessarily strays from itself.13] pertains neither to the void nor to the atoms nor to the causal action of the one on the other. Neither is it a third component, a third principle. […]] Clinamen is the atom as the out-of-place [hors-lieu]] of the void. Let’s say in a broader view, and far from the Greeks, that clinamen is the subject, or more precisely subjectivation.” Alain Badiou, Théorie du sujet, 77. “It is absolutely necessary that clinamen be abolished in its own turn. […]] Any particular explanation of any particular thing must not require clinamen, although the existence of a thing in general is unthinkable without it.” Ibid., 79. “The atom affected by deviation engenders the Whole without any rest or trace of this affection. Better still: the effect is the retroactive effacement of the cause […]] the deviation, being neither the atom nor the void nor the action of the void nor the system of atoms, is unintelligible.” Ibid., 80.]


Hence, it cannot be isolated in itself, it is the deviation of “in-itself,” always retroactively effaced in its effects, the vanishing mediator. Clinamen is neither the atom nor the void nor something third, but the very going-astray which conditions them. So we could say that in order to understand the single notion of clinamen, one brings together the various threads of one, void, substance, subject, and negativity.

We are coming to the essential question: How does this conception of Hegelian negativity relate to psychoanalysis? What happened to the negativity and the split between Hegel and Freud? Let me take clinamen as a simple red thread. The way to understand what is at stake in clinamen is perhaps the discriminating factor.


Freudian negativity is a vocabulary of six Ver- words: Verneinung, negation; Verdrängung, repression; Verwerfung, foreclosure; Verleugnung, disavowal; Verdichtung, condensation; Verschiebung, displacement. What these six words have in common, at first glance, is the prefix Ver-, which the Wahrig dictionary defines first as Abweichen, or deviation, digression, straying away. From Ver- to clinamen there is only a step, a step astray, a step off track. There is a deviation of negation at stake, and if Hegelian negation is already a deviation, one deviating from its track and splitting into two, then what is at stake here we could describe as a deviation of deviation, a clinamen of clinamen, a redoubling of clinamen. Ver- is like a clinamen of nein, something inside and within the Hegelian negation of negation, yet slightly off track. Freud, who was so fond of puns and contingent word encounters, never spent any time pondering this Ver-which brings together his key terms as in a dream condensation.


But on top of the chance link Ver-, these concepts are related through a common aim. They name various modes of negativity, but a negativity that fails. Negativity doesn’t succeed in fulfilling its function of negating a certain entity. They evoke something that persists in spite of negation and through negation, or more precisely, something that negation produces in the first place. In all of them, negation produces something that it cannot itself negate. There is a persistence of negativity in the very failure of negativity.


The failure of negation is clearest in the first form, the case presented in Verneinung (1925), where Freud, in a single breathtaking stroke, accomplishes the trajectory from the grammatical form of negation to the death drive. Freud starts off with the elementary, notorious case of the patient who says,


“You ask me who this person in the dream can be. It’s not my mother.” In the interpretation, we take the liberty of disregarding the negation […]. It is as though the patient had said: “It’s true that my mother came into my mind as I thought of this person, but I don’t feel inclined to let the association count.”14


This is the model example of negation which has turned into a proverb, “this is not my mother,” a negation that doesn’t hit its mark, doesn’t manage to negate the mother. But is this ground sufficient for a reading of affirmation? Is the truth of “this is not my mother” the opposite affirmative statement “this is my mother?” Freud takes the negation as a sign of repression, Verdrängung, the next item on our list.


Thus the content of a repressed image or idea can make its way into consciousness, on condition that it is negated. Negation is a way of taking cognizance of what is repressed […]. The outcome of this is a kind of intellectual acceptance of the repressed, while at the same time what is essential to the repression persists.15


So “this is not my mother” can be translated into “this is my mother,” and the patient may well accept this as the true content of his statement, but that doesn’t affect the form of repression itself. Negation may well enable the acceptance of certain content, but what persists as recalcitrant to negation and its lifting is the very gap into which the content is placed. This gap is not exhausted by the alternatives “this is not my mother” and “this is my mother.” Negation and affirmation are placed on the same level without affecting the form of repression, irreducible to its content.16


To negate something in a judgment is, at bottom, to say: “This is something which I should prefer to repress.” A negative judgment is the intellectual substitute for repression; its “no” is the hallmark of repression, a certificate of origin—like, let’s say, “Made in Germany.” With the help of the symbol of negation, thinking frees itself from the restrictions of repression.17


Negation is like a certificate of origin, it testifies to the origin of repression, and if there is indeed a negation made in Germany, of all places, it must be the Hegelian negation. One could say, with all the ambiguity of the statement: “this is not Hegelian negation,” on the model of “this is not my mother.” Is Hegelian negation thus accepted or rejected? Do we have to decide between “this is a Hegelian negation” and “this is not a Hegelian negation?” Perhaps, in accordance with Freud’s reading, both statements miss a form of negation that springs up among these alternatives and is not exhausted by them. There is a gap in the Hegelian negation (of negation), lurking at the very same spot, not somewhere else.

Negation in Verneinung, as Freud reads it, is a special instance of repression, the second concept on the list. Repression presents, even at first blush, an enlarged case of the thread I have been following, the failure of negation. Repression means: something is negated and rejected, but only at the price of its return. It is repression only insofar as the negation doesn’t succeed, insofar as it fails. Of course, one can find all kinds of reasons for repression, one can invoke the repressive sexual morality that tries to prevent a certain content from being accepted in consciousness, determined by sanctions and taboos, but in this way one would focus on the content of repression and overlook its form. (And there is the massive fact that most of the prohibitions and moral injunctions Freud had to deal with have lost their validity and impact during the past century, but that hasn’t done away with the predicament that has in a way become more intractable. Psychoanalysis, which has contributed so much to sexual emancipation, has always also been skeptical of that as a salutary solution.) If we concentrate on the form of repression, then Freud’s key term is not just repression, but Urverdrängung, primary, originary repression, not concerning this or that particular content, also not reducible to the particular grounds for social repression, but instituting the very form of repression which can then be filled by particular contents and justifications. Repression prior to sufficient reason.


The concept of repression entails two further Ver- concepts, that of Verdichtung and Verschiebung, condensation and displacement, which for Freud name the basic mechanism of the dream-work, Traumarbeit. If dreams appear as a hodgepodge, this is due to the fact that each of their elements presents a condensation and displacement of various elements. With a crucial addition that determines the fate of Freudian negation and on which Freud insists again and again: the dream knows no “no,” there is no “no” in its vocabulary.


The way in which dreams treat the category of contraries and contradictories is highly remarkable. It is simply disregarded. “No” seems not to exist so far as dreams are concerned. They show a particular preference for combining contraries into a unity or for representing them as one and the same thing. Dreams feel themselves at liberty, moreover, to represent any element by its wishful contrary; so that there is no way of deciding at a first glance whether any element that admits of a contrary is present in the dream-thought as a positive or a negative.18


Dreams have a vast vocabulary, but one word seems to be conspicuously missing from it, the word “no.” Negation, contrariness, contradiction—all this exists in dreams either by simple juxtaposition, where contradictory or contrary entities appear side by side, or else by immediate coincidence, condensation of the opposites in one element, so that we cannot tell whether it is meant positively or negatively. Each positive element is endowed with reversibility, so that negation cannot be isolated, it only exists in the web of substitutions, condensations, and displacements. This web of ubiquitous negativity is paradoxically premised on the elision, the omission of “no” as a singular marker of negation. This very literal “negation of negation” makes negation omnipresent; precisely in its absence “no” is present in every word. This “negation of negation” in the unconscious gets stuck in something seemingly far too childish for dialectics, in contingent similarities, puns, homonymic reverberations, makeshift slips. What could be further from the stringency of the conceptual concatenation in Hegel’s Logic, each step inherently linked to the previous by self-reflexive negativity, than the infinite sliding over homonyms, similarities, and slips? The former is determined by a “no” at every step, the latter ignores “no” altogether.


If there is a subject of the unconscious—something that Lacan adamantly insisted on throughout his work, against the grain of the ambient structuralism, then this subject is, strictly speaking, correlative to the elision of “no.” But “no” is not a word like any other, it epitomizes a basic property of language. One could say, rather simply and massively, that “no” stands at the very kernel of language, that is, that it is something that exists only in language and has no “natural” counterpart. With it, language names something that is not, and its capacity to name non-being is what makes it language. The most massive testimony of this is Plato’s Sophist, which hinges entirely on the capacity of language to infuse being with non-being. (Producing holes and gaps had already started with Plato, after all.) Language brings negation into the world, not merely a contrast or contrariness, a conflict or tension, but the possibility of inducing non-being. The symbolic itself, by extension, is like a “no” in the great chain of being, the very possibility of negativity, something that introduces a gap, a split, a break, on which, for Hegel, the very capacity of thought depends—but after all this was what haunted philosophy at its pre-Socratic dawn, the question of whether negative entities are merely creatures of language or rather have an ontological counterpart in being (see Plato’s Parmenides). It is with this question that philosophy started.


To round off this quick panorama of the rest of the Freudian Ver- words, I can only give some hasty hints about the remaining two. Foreclosure, Verwerfung, is the mechanism that for Freud defines psychosis. If psychosis is based on foreclosure, it cannot be on foreclosure of the word “no,” since psychosis disposes of the entire vocabulary and lacks nothing—that is, it lacks precisely nothing. It doesn’t lack “no,” but rather its symbolic impact, the gap that could keep apart reality from itself, reality from the real. What was foreclosed then returns as the real emerging in reality, coinciding with reality, with no gap—hallucinations, voices, conspiracies, persecutors, divine rays, miracles. Psychosis literally enacts negation of negation, dismantling the powers of negativity, not merely negation of negation, but its dismissal and elimination. If we follow the line of the failure of negation, then in psychosis negation fails by spectacular success, it succeeds in annihilating itself to such an extent that reality itself emerges as the embodiment of negativity, with no possible escape. The foreclosed negation materializes itself in the very positivity of reality. The triumph of negation of negation in psychosis is its grandest failure, it vindicates itself in more grandiose ways than anywhere else.


Last, Verleugnung, disavowal. Freud posits it as the basic mechanism of perversion, in its technical meaning, and one should mark from the outset that per-verto is a Latin version of Ver-. There is a constitutive Ver- in the very nature of human sexuality, it is a Ver- nature, its deviation. Freud starts his argument in the Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality (1905) by considering sexual aberrations, Abirrungen, and then proceeds to consider sexual Abweichungen, deviations regarding the sexual object and the sexual goal. Starting from there, we could say that sexuality as such is for Freud defined by Abirrung, Abweichung, in one word, by a clinamen from the path of natural causality and the satisfaction of physiological needs. There is a clinamen in the very concept of sexuality, the very concept of the drive that is drive only by virtue of its deviation and cannot be grasped independent of it. There is the famous adage from Brecht’s Threepenny Opera: What is a bank robbery compared to the establishment of a bank? What are all these petty thieves compared to the systematic, legalized, long-term robbery perpetrated by banks? By analogy, one could say that Freud’s treatment of perversion in the Three Essays poses the following question: What are all the perversions, all the deviations from the usual sexual object or goal, compared to sexuality as such, which is in itself nothing but a massive deviation? As far as perversion is concerned, in a more limited and technical sense, disavowal can be understood in the Freudian account of fetishism, the fetish as something that fills the void by its fascinating presence, disavows castration and lack by clinging to the object veiling the void, as in Freud’s famous scenario. Negativity is disavowed by clinging to the object that covers it up in the splendor of its positive existence, clinging to a belief against better knowledge (“I know very well, but nevertheless…”). Here we would actually come to an attitude that would embody Heine’s and Freud’s image of philosophy as filling in the cracks—the pervert would be someone who would not merely use the nightcap as a means at hand to fill the cracks, but would even turn it into an object of veneration. Not the desperate haphazard means of filling the crack, but the object to be savored, the partial object rendered whole. (And here one can give the singular example of the Marquis de Sade, the greatest philosopher among perverts—there was not much competition in this category, for structural reasons—whose Philosophy in the Boudoir is a demonstration of a quite drastic and literal patching-up of the gap.)


Three of the Ver- words, Verdrängung, Verwerfung, and Verleugnung, serve as the basis of the three clinical structures singled out by Freud—neurosis, psychosis, and perversion—as the basis of his clinical classification. One could say that they present the three ways of tackling negation, three ways in which negation fails and vindicates itself or works through its own deviations. They are like Freud’s versions of what Hegel called, in the beginning of his Encyclopedia, “drei Stellungen des Gedanken zur Objektivität.”


If I now try to bring together all the threads and come to a provisional conclusion, I would say that the distance between Hegel and Freud can perhaps be most economically encapsulated by the distance between two words, or rather a word and a partial word, nein and Ver-. Like in a dream condensation, the two words are fused together in a single German word, Verneinung. It is curiously not really in Hegel’s vocabulary; he prefers the Latin Negation. Ver- and nein: the negation of nein in the immediate contiguity with Ver-, which deviates it. Ver- is not something else—completely different than nein, it inhabits negation from the inside and gives it another turn of the screw. If for Hegel each positive entity is always already marked by negativity, always in disparity with itself, a deviation from itself, then the Freudian operation could be seen as a deviation within this deviation, a clinamen of its clinamen. Ver- corrodes the “no,” yet it operates only in its bosom. The (Hegelian) negation is the sine qua non of Ver-. In this sense, Hegel, by bringing the question of negation to a pinnacle, is the sine qua non of the Freudian take on negativity. Or to give it another turn: there is a Hegelian negation which is already a Ver-, the Ver- of Verstand and Vernunft, which are nothing but the realms of deployment of the Hegelian negativity, and the Freudian Ver- is but its extension, which changes everything.


In the same sense, the unconscious can be seen as a clinamen of cogito. Lacan caused some scandal with his claim that cogito is the subject of the unconscious, which is in direct opposition to the general view that no two things could be further apart than the Cartesian rational subject and the vagaries of the unconscious. Yet one of Lacan’s key claims is that the subject of the unconscious can only be grasped on the basis of cogito, within the framework of cogito and modern subjectivity, not as its irrational counterpart. One could say that the subject of the unconscious is the Ver- of cogito, presenting just such a turn as Ver- does in relation to Hegelian negation. And if Hegelian absolute knowledge is to be conceived not as an ultimate filling-in of the crack—the gap in the structure of the universe—but as the way to ultimately maintain it, in a gesture where the crack would be self-reflexively predicated upon itself, then the Freudian unconscious is a crack within this crack itself.


“Ça n’empêche pas d’exister,” says Freud, following Charcot: it doesn’t prevent the existence of something that insists in spite of negation, through negation, in its bosom, but something that is not reducible to some positive factuality and has ultimately no being—but that something cannot be conceived without negation, moreover, without a clinamen of negation of negation. One could slightly alter the sentence: “l’être n’empêche pas d’exister,” or being doesn’t prevent something from existing and insisting. The Hegelian notion of being entirely depended on negativity and scission, and the step implied by Ver- is the scission of the very scission. It is by this scission that thought clings to being, in the double figure of absolute knowledge and the unconscious, this excess and deficiency, or flaw, of knowledge. More pointedly: the subject of psychoanalysis is not only the Ver- of cogito, but the Ver- of that understanding of cogito brought to extremity, at the end of the grand philosophical tradition, by absolute knowledge.




Notes:

1 Heinrich Heine, Heimkehr LVIII. There is also a subtext that this attire pertains to night use. In a famous section of the Preface to the Philosophy of Right, Hegel describes evening as the proper time for the fulfillment of philosophy. “The owl of Minerva starts its flight at dusk [mit der einbrechenden Dämmerung

2 Heinrich Heine, The Complete Poems of Heinrich Heine: A Modern English Version, trans. Hal Draper (Boston: Suhrkamp / Insel, 1982), 99. “Zu fragmentarisch ist Welt und Leben! / Ich will mich zum deutschen Professor begeben. / Der weiss das Leben zusammenzusetzen, / Und er macht ein verständlich System daraus; / Mit seinen Nachtmützen und Schlafrockfetzen / Stopft er die Lücken des Weltenbaus.”

3 Sigmund Freud, New Introductory Lectures on Psychoanalysis,(Penguin Freud Library, vol. 2), 196.

4 Sigmund Freud, The Interpretation of Dreams, (Penguin Freud Library, vol. 4), 631.

5 Ibid., 630.

6 Ibid., 630–1.

7 Badiou starts off his Théorie du sujet by claiming that “at the heart of Hegelian dialectics one has to disentangle two processes, two concepts of movement, and not only a just insight into becoming which is corrupted/distorted by a subjective system of knowledge. Let’s say, e.g.: a) a dialectical matrix covered by the word alienation, the idea of a simple term which deploys itself by its becoming-other in order to come back to itself as a fulfilled concept; b) a dialectical matrix whose operator is the scission, the theme ‘there is no unity except a ruptured one’ [il n’y a d’unité que scindé

8 Modified from G. W. F. Hegel, Phenomenology of Spirit, trans. Terry Pinkard (2010), 20. See . “Die Ungleichheit, die im Bewußtsein zwischen dem Ich und der Substanz, die sein Gegenstand ist, stattfindet, ist ihr Unterschied, das Negative überhaupt. Es kann als der Mangel beider angesehen werden, ist aber ihre Seele oder das Bewegende derselben; weswegen einige Alte das Leere als das Bewegende begriffen, indem sie das Bewegende zwar als das Negative, aber dieses noch nicht als das Selbst erfaßten.”9 G. W. F. Hegel, Science of Logic (TWA 5), 185–6.

10 G. W. F. Hegel, History of Philosophy (TWA 19), str. 311.

11 Ibid., 313.
12 Gilles Deleuze, The Logic of Sense, trans. Mark Lester and Charles Stivale (New York: Columbia UP, 1990), 311.
13 One can read here Deleuze with Badiou, who is aware of the Hegelian twist: “[Clinamen
14 Sigmund Freud, “Negation,” in On Metapsychology, The Pelican Freud Library, vol. 11 (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1977), 437.
15 Ibid., 437–8.
16 For this line of argument I am indebted to Alenka Zupančič. See also Jean-François Lyotard, Discours, Figure.
17 Sigmund Freud, “Negation,” 438–9.
18 Sigmund Freud, The Interpretation of Dreams, 429–30. Cf. Sigmund Freud, Jokes and their Relation to the Unconscious (Penguin Freud Library, vol. 6), 233.

Mladen Dolar taught for 20 years in the Department of Philosophy at the University of Ljubljana, Slovenia, where he now works as a Senior Research Fellow. He is a member of the editorial boards of the magazine Problemi and of the book collection Analecta. He is also one of the founders of the Society of Theoretical Psychoanalysis and of the Society for Cultural Studies. His scientific research work centres on: German classical philosophy, structuralism, theoretical psychoanalysis, philosophy of music. He is the author of a number of books, such a as A Voice and Nothing More (2006) most recently (with Slavoj Zizek) Opera’s Second Death.





























Wednesday, June 26, 2019

“Freud and the Political”









by Mladen Dolar






The political in Freud conceals under the air of innocence a most difficult, even impossible, topic. Both terms are far from being unequivocal—it is not quite clear, despite the appearances, what is meant by Freud, in spite of, or rather because of, the aura that surrounds his name and the general clamor that his fame provoked . . .  and it is even less clear what is meant by the political, in spite of, or rather because of, the fact that one is constantly bombarded from all quarters by politics in all shapes and sizes. The trickiest of all is the possible intersection of the two.  The temptation is great to adopt a deconstructivist rhetoric—instead of speaking about the topic, speaking about the impossibility of speaking about the topic. I will very much try to resist this temptation.

On the face of it, Freud was not a man of politics, to say the least. He never engaged in political life, not in any significant way, not of his own accord, not until it was thrust upon him in the most insidious form of rampant anti-Semitism and finally the occupation of his country, forcing him into exile. Apart from this staggering ending, his relationship to politics was anecdotal. One can pick out anecdotes about his aversion to Woodrow Wilson and co-authoring the unfortunate book about him; his inopportune scribbled note dedicating a book to Mussolini; his voting for the liberal party (in line with the whole Austrian Jewish community); his skeptical remarks on Bolshevism, inadequate by his own admission; his indulging in an extra cigar when the Emperor refused to appoint Dr. Karl Lueger the burgomaster of Vienna despite his electoral victory in 1895—the same Karl Lueger, one must add, who served as a role model to the young Hitler, who was roaming the streets of Vienna at the turn of the century. Lueger taught Hitler the tricks of the trade of anti-Semitism, as Hitler described in Mein Kampf. And, coming from Slovenia, I cannot resist picking out one anecdote, I suppose the most spectacular of all, of an event that happened during Freud’s one brief visit to Slovenia. At Easter holidays in 1898, Freud visited Italy with his brother Alexander, and, on the way back, they stopped at the famous caves of Škocjan, in Slovenia (which are now actually a UNESCO heritage site). He gives his account in a letter to Wilhelm Fliess (14 April 1898), describing “a subterranean river running through magnificent vaults, with waterfalls and stalactites and pitch darkness. . . It was Tartarus itself. If Dante saw anything like this, he needed no great effort of the imagination for his Inferno.”1 And whom did Freud meet at the bottom of this Tartarus, in the last circle of this Inferno? “The ruler of Vienna, Herr Dr.  Karl Lueger,” who happened to be visiting the cave at the same time.  He was with another party from the capital visiting the outskirts of the Empire during holidays, a place to run into people with whom he would never come face-to-face in Vienna itself. Freud, the paradigmatic Jew, meeting the paradigmatic anti-Semite in the Slovene Inferno, of all places—the image deserves to be seen, in retrospect, as an emblematic icon inaugurating the century, laden with forebodings of so much of what was to happen.2

However picturesque this anecdote may be, however indicative in many ways, there seems to be a glaring absence: Freud never proposed a political line that would follow from his discovery, a political stance to be taken. He avoided any reflection of the political impact that his discovery might have, in a way that cannot be unintentional, although never explicitly stated. He proudly refused that psychoanalysis should adopt any Weltanschauung, any “world-view,” including a political one, claiming that the scientific spirit precludes Weltanschauung. One can draw the conclusion that there is in Freud an inherent indifference to political matters—this is the line taken by someone like Jean-Claude Milner, a figure of some standing in today’s France, who sees in this indifférence en matière politique the proper way that psychoanalysis should follow, thus refusing what he calls “the political view of the world.”3 One can of course quickly object that there is no such thing as indifference in political matters, that indifference is always itself a political stance that cannot evade endorsing the powers that be. One gives effective and unwitting support to a certain kind of politics precisely by refraining from it, so that indifference in politics appears to be a contra- diction in terms (politics, like sexuality, being one of those things that one always practices, whether one practices them or not). So one may find this indifference regrettable, either as a sign of Freud’s conservatism, or of a secretly (or blatantly) conservative nature of psychoanalysis as such, which makes it implicitly or explicitly concur with, say, patriarchy, phallocentrism, etc. There has been no shortage of this type of argument. Alternatively, one may find it regrettable in the sense that Freud never took stock of the politically subversive nature of his discovery, so one should remedy his deficiency by proposing a radical politics that implicitly follows from his theory and which he didn’t want, or dare, to spell out. Enter Reich, Marcuse, and May ’68. Nous voulons jouir sans entraves.

But on the other hand one can take a very different approach, not accepting the absence of the political in Freud at all. If the birthplace of psychoanalysis has been the treatment of the individual psyche, its symptoms and vicissitudes, and if politics is about constructing a collectivity, then this boundary has always already been crossed.  On the first page of Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego (1921), Freud starts off by claiming that, ultimately, no such boundary exists:

The contrast between individual psychology and social or group psychology, which at a first glance may seem to be full of significance, loses a great deal of its sharpness when it is examined more closely…………. In the individual’s mental life someone else is invariably involved, as a model, as an object, as a helper, as an opponent; and so from the very first individual psychology, in this extended but entirely justifiable sense of the words, is at the same time social psychology as well. (PFL 12, p. 95)

One may say that for psychoanalysis there is no such thing as an individual, the individual only makes sense as a knot of social ties, a network of relations to the others, to the always already social Other—the Other being ultimately but a shorthand for the social instance as such.  Subjectivity cannot make sense without this inherent relation to the Other, so that sociality has been there from the outset—say in the form of that minimal script presented by Oedipus—a social structure in a nutshell.

Thus the reflections on the social which Freud increasingly undertook in his later life are not an addition, an application of psychoanalysis to a new field of research, but rather the unfolding of what has been there from the start. One can see the two terms of the title, group psychology and the analysis of the ego, as standing in a relation of mutual implication: group psychology relies on a certain structure of the ego and is made possible by it, and the analysis of the ego implies, always already, a group structure. So, Freud tries to present this as a seamless transition, a mere deduction, or a magnification and a multiplication of what was present on the small scale. The individual, the ego, and the subject are inconceivable without a theory of a social tie.

On this account, politics would be universally and ubiquitously present in Freud’s work, to the point that there would hardly be room for anything else. Not a page of Freud’s wouldn’t imply political consequences. But this account is only possible at the price of a certain equivocation between the social and the political, a certain seamless equation of the two, and one can easily feel that this is not sufficient, that there is a seam to be made. Freud’s keywords, in his “social writings,” are group, mass, culture, civilization. One can consider those keywords precisely as a way to avoid raising the question in political terms. To put it harshly, they tend to depoliticize the problem, to present it as a cultural or a civilizational issue.  The metaphor of a seam, of sewing, is by no means innocent here; Lacan made great use of it with his concept of point de capiton, the quilting point, the stitching point, which in a way stands very much at the core of the political. The quilting point is the very opposite of seamless, it is not an unfolding of a nutshell, it requires a stitch, an act, and a change. Can we find this in Freud, be it in an incipient form?

There are some ways in which Freud made something like a political move, in a broad sense, and they all raise difficult problems. They are perhaps ultimately the ways of how not to go about it, the models not to follow. In what follows I will con- sider three of them: the problem of establishing a psychoanalytic institution; the problem of relying on reason or on Eros, libido, as a solution to the social discontents, Unbehagen; and the problem of group psychology and its construction. They involve very different issues, but my wager is that the impasses they run into point to the same common ground, which can perhaps help to elucidate the matter.

There is, first, the question of the institution that would be the vessel and the guardian of this new discovery, securing its social standing, its professional standards, and its transmission. This is the part of the internal politics of psychoanalysis: what would be the appropriate organizational form in which this new knowledge could be maintained and properly passed on, its specificity protected, its adversaries kept at bay, its social promotion secured? No doubt there is a political move here that endows a discovery, a knowledge, a practice, with an institutional framework, a social foothold, with permanence and with independence from the particular people involved, including and especially from its founding father. Apart from the practical concerns, there is a mission to this, a mission both social and political, a mission of a truth to be spread, in the hope that it would prevail. A truth to be spread by an organization (shall one say a Party?) and not merely entrusted to writings—this is where a politics comes in, where a seam has to be made between a knowledge and its social status. This is where a psychoanalytic association massively differs, on the one hand, from mere professional associations of, say, dentists or plumbers, which are there to ensure certain professional standards, and, on the other hand, from scientific associations. For what is at stake  in science, in establishing  a  scientific field, is the guarantee of the repeatable: the experiment is that which is repeatable by anyone, universally available, and this is what ensures objectivity, achieved through processes of verification; whereas in psychoanalysis one constantly deals only with the singular, the singularity of symptoms, the singularity of a particular unconscious—i.e., one  deals  with the non-repeatable, and it is from the singular that the universal has to be constructed.

The universality of what is at stake here is of a different nature than that of scientific laws, the passage from singular to universal requires a  different  act,  and  this places psychoanalysis in a precarious situation: it is always exposed  to  the  criticism  that it is not really a science and cannot stand the test of repeatable verification, but at the same time it has never given up its claim to scientific credentials and to its entitlement as science. The passage from the singularity of psychoanalysis’ object and the universality of its claims involves an edge of truth that is of a different order than the scientific truth, a truth without a guarantee, and this is where the organization, the psychoanalytic association, is placed into an impossible fix: that of appearing as the guarantee—but the missing guarantee—of that truth.4 This peculiar situation,  differing from both the professional and the scientific, places psychoanalysis and its organizations into the vicinity of the political, for a political act as well always intervenes into situations that are inherently singular and  draws universal claims from there, claims  with no simple guarantee, so the political organizations, parties, etc., are also  called upon as the warranties of the warrantless. Can a psychoanalytic association ever measure up to that impossible claim? (And can, for that matter, a political one?)

No doubt there is a part of black comedy involved, if we look back on the history of psychoanalytic organizations. Lacan, who had many reasons for personal grievance in this regard, remarked: “We leave in suspense [the question of] what drove Freud to this extraordinary joke, realized by the constitution of existing psychoanalytic societies, for one cannot say that he wanted them to be otherwise.”5

The official organizations, such as The International Psychoanalytic Association, no doubt present a part of success, both in securing an international institutional framework and in assuring the standards of a profession, this new widespread global profession. Yet this is perhaps the part where their own success ruined them, to use Freud’s formula from another context. This is the part that Lacan refers to as the joke: everything is secured except the essential. The professional has dislodged the political, the edge of difficult and unsettling truth has been blurred, and one would be hard put to imagine that truth has prevailed in this global spread. But what would it mean for the precarious psychoanalytic truth to prevail?

There is, on the other hand, the part of failure epitomized by the constant strives, rivalry, exclusions, sectarian discords, opposition, controversies, the moves of revisionism vs. orthodoxy, already in Freud’s time and then particularly around the figure of Jacques Lacan. This is the part where the doctrine appears to be far from secured, despite the institutional safeguards to secure it, or rather because of them. There is hardly a clear-cut stock of knowledge to be transmitted, and there is no set of well-defined practices—it all seems to be subject to constant controversy, institutional splits, renegades, and the possessors of the true ring.  If psychoanalysis has always raised the claim to the status of science, then this is a far cry from what a science is supposed to look like: no piece of knowledge is granted as acquired, no procedures are established beyond dispute. This part of failure is far more interesting and indicative. Louis Althusser, in a classic paper on Marx and Freud,6 forcefully argued that psychoanalysis is a conflictual science, the feature it prominently shares with Marxism. Conflict is its home ground; antagonism is the air it breathes.  The moment it is turned into a part of cultural heritage, the moment Freud is turned into a ‘cultural hero,’ or the moment it is part of the established clinical know-how, its edge is lost.  One can draw some grim satisfaction from the fact that this move of gentrification has never quite succeeded, despite a century of efforts at domestication and pacification, so that the mere mention of Freud’s name still tends to provoke controversy and disagreement.

It is not just a question of external resistances, refusal and opposition—there was never any lack of those (in our times this takes, for example, the shape of a wholesale dismissal on the part of neurosciences, or cognitive sciences, which wave the  banner    of the accepted notion of science in face of this false pretender). Many scientific discoveries were initially met with harsh opposition, but once their knowledge could be established, once they could present the scientific credentials of verification, their progress was secured, they could proceed by gradual accumulation of knowledge along the well-defined paths.  But this  was never the case with either psychoanalysis   or Marxism: they both raised the  claims to  the  status of science, but proceeded only  by way of conflict and split—not just the conflict with external hostility, but through a series of internal conflicts, as if the external opposition was constantly transposed into an internal strife, a conflictuality which could never be stabilized in an agreement.

This history—and this is the gist of Althusser’s argument—is but an effect of the nature of truths that are at stake in both: they both deal with a truth which is itself antagonistic, a conflictual truth, although they deal with seemingly unrelated notions of class struggle on the one hand and the unconscious and repression on the other. There is no neutral piece of knowledge which could be free from this antagonism: every piece of knowledge means taking sides, moving in a battlefield, in an antagonism which is simultaneously and indistinguishably both internal and external, an externality in the very inside. So the paradoxical result would be that the minimal political move of providing an organizational framework for psychoanalytic discovery could yield either a success at the price of utterly depoliticizing the edge of truth at stake, or else could yield the seeming failure, a series of disasters, but which testify, if per negationem, to the political, antagonistic, conflictual nature of psychoanalysis, the impossibility of turning it into a neutral field of knowledge, be it scientific, clinical, cultural, or political. On this account, the political impact of psychoanalysis emerges precisely with the constant failure to establish even a minimal “political” consensus. But can this be enough for a politics? Can we be happy with acknowledging this conflictual nature? Can there be a complacent satisfaction in brandishing conflictuality?

There are some other ways in which Freud approaches something that could be broadly understood as a  political line,  by proposing a  precept, a guideline, a remedy    to cure social ills. There are some places in his work where Freud emerges not as a proponent of democracy (notwithstanding his self-description as “a liberal of the old school”), but of a dictatorship, Diktatur. Not just any dictatorship, but the dictatorship  of reason, if this is an alleviating circumstance. In the famous exchange with Einstein, dealing with the question “why war?” and how to prevent it, he makes the following suggestion for the ideal remedy against war: “The ideal condition of things would of course be a community of men who had subordinated their instinctual life to the dictatorship of reason. Nothing else could unite men so completely and  so  tenaciously, even if there were no emotional ties between them.  But in all probability that   is a Utopian expectation” (PFL 12, p. 359-60). The formulation is no coincidence, we find it repeated in the same year, 1932, in the New Introductory Lectures: “Our best hope for the future is that intellect—the scientific spirit, reason—may in process of time establish a dictatorship in the mental life of man” (PFL 2, p. 208). The suggestion sounds rather baffling, coming from a man who devoted his whole life to  describing  the forces that escape the control of reason, be it as the forces of the unconscious that unstoppably play tricks on what reason purports to do, or as the forces of the drives, those indomitable giants which always force their way to satisfaction,  including the  most unlikely and strenuous ways. One has often enough imagined  psychoanalysis rather as promoting the dictatorship of those forces, as opposed to reason. How can reason bend them to its dictatorial power, what can it rely on faced  with  this formidable adversary,  unbeatable  by Freud’s own  account?  At the same  time there is a sort of disavowal in play, for Freud speaks about the dictatorship of reason in the lecture devoted to Weltanschauung, that is, to demonstrating why psychoanalysis should not espouse any Weltanschauung, while he actually demonstrates most blatantly some of the salient features of what one could call the Enlightenment Weltanschauung: faith in reason and progress, the scientific spirit, reason as  an  enlightened monarch.  Is  this  the best one can hope for? Doesn’t Freud simplify matters by setting up the duality of reason on the one hand and the unconscious and the drives on the other? Shouldn’t one be reminded that the Freudian unconscious is not something simply unreasonable or irrational? Freud never described it as something simply opposed to reason, but rather as a glitch of reason, its slip, its inner torsion. And on the other hand, isn’t the ego, the usual site of reason, precisely the agent of aggression and repression, a more likely agent of wars than the id? Is not reason, by Freud’s account, always inextricably linked with rationalization, rationalizing something which is not reason- able? Hasn’t one been looking at the picture from the wrong angle? I cannot pursue this any further here; I tried to do it elsewhere.7

There is another way in which Freud describes the conflict, not as the opposition between reason and the instinctual life, but as the opposition among the drives them- selves, between the two sorts of drives that in his later work he describes as libido, or Eros, and the death drive, the supposed agency of aggressivity and destruction. In the famous closing paragraph of Civilization and Its Discontents, he draws the picture of an internal strife between the two:

The fateful question for the human species seems to me to be whether and to  what extent their cultural development will succeed in mastering the disturbance of their communal life  by the human instinct of aggression and self-destruction. It may be that   in this respect precisely the present time deserves a special interest [a]nd now it is to be expected that the other of the two ‘Heavenly Powers,’ eternal Eros, will make an effort to assert himself in  the struggle  with  his  equally immortal adversary. But who  can foresee with what success and with what result? (PFL 12, p. 339-40)

It is rather odd that Freud wages his hopes at once on the power of reason, its dictatorship, against the power of the  drives,  and then, almost in  the same  breath, on one of the drives against the other—the Eros, supposed to be the force of union, concord and alliance, as opposed to the death-drive, the supposed force of aggression and (self)destruction. In what way can reason be aligned to libido and Eros? Is reason  erotic? Is Eros reasonable?8 Is unification their common denominator?

One can see that one is in trouble with this line  of  argument, and  the  trouble stems, I think, from the way in which the duality is constructed, setting up the basic opposition between reason and the drives on the one hand and between Eros and the death drive on the other. In both cases the division between the two splits the good  part from the bad part, the positive from the negative side, with the consequence that one should rely on the good part against the bad one, in a strife that is posited as eternal. What is missing is precisely the inherent  ambiguity  of  both  parts,  which  precludes pitting them one against the other in that way.  The profound  ambiguity of the drive is what drove Freud to splitting it into a positive and a negative part, but this move leads to conceptual simplification. The profound ambiguity of both reason and the unconscious precludes their simple opposition. So that the appeal—a political appeal?—to rely on the one against the other leads one to think: “there  will always be    a conflict between Eros and aggressivity, or between reason and the drives, and  the  best we can do is to keep our fingers crossed for the more likeable opponent.” Or, “let’s work for the one, although we know very well that the other one can never be defeated and that our struggle is Utopian—but nevertheless. ” Politics would thus mean envisaging the psychic and the social as a conflictual battlefield,  where  one should support the good forces against the bad ones, but the paradox is that the bad ones are precisely those that psychoanalysis has discovered in the first place: the unconscious, the drives, the death drive.  Thus the aim of psychoanalysis  would be to try to do away with its object, ultimately to abolish it—that  would seemingly  put an  end to the trouble, to drive the analyst out of business. The  psychoanalytic Utopia would thus be the world that didn’t need psychoanalysis.

But is putting our hopes this time into libido, the Eros, against the death drive the only or the best option? Couldn’t one rather go back to  the  radical  stance  of the earlier Freud, say the Freud of Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality (1905), who insisted not on the duality of the drives but on their ineradicable ambiguity? For the drive is a most paradoxical conjunction between, on the one hand, the conservative, that which constantly forces its way back to the site of satisfaction, endowed with a compulsory nature which inexorably drives towards “more of the same,” and, on the other hand,  the disruptive alterity which makes it so that the drive is never simply a force of adaptation, of homeostasis ruled by  pleasure principle, but  produces the  unsettling,  the derailment, the excess, the surplus (the surplus enjoyment, as Lacan would call it). Couldn’t one see in this unsettling, disruptive force of the drive a better way to  approach politics?  The  drive is not just what preserves a certain institutional order; it   is at the same time the reason that this order cannot stabilize  itself and close  upon itself, that it can never be reduced to the best arrangement of the existing subjects and institutions, but presents an excess which subverts it. That would entail not relying on the supposed unifying power of the libido against the  disruptive  death  drive,  but rather relying on the disruptive as an opening, a  possibility  of another  sort of  social tie, its transformation. It is not unification and  union, binding together ever larger  units, as Freud describes it, that is the basis of a political precept,  but  precisely  its crack, its fissure, its impossibility, its untying that presents an opening for the political.  It is the negative excess, the non-lieu constantly produced by the disruptive nature of  the drives, that requires representation and an act. Freud seems to say that one has to turn into an agent of Eros, as it were, to oppose the dangers of destructiveness and disintegration, as  if forgetting to  what incredible extent unification and love can have   a murderous underside. But couldn’t one, on  this  rather  speculative  and  abstract level, suggest turning into an agent of the (death) drive, untying the glue  of  social bonds, in the hope of establishing the possibility of another kind of relation in  the  social non-relation?

But in this way we arrive again at the negative  condition of the  political, to the  point where the political opening is present precisely in the impossibility of social unification—and the death drive may function as a name for this impossibility. Its negativity points to a necessary fissure of the social tissue, the crack where the political should engage, but it doesn’t tell us anything about the ways to go about it.

Another way of approaching the tricky nexus of psychoanalysis and the political would take us back to the seminal text on Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego. We have seen that the supposition on which the text opens is a  mutual  implication  between the group structure and the structure of the ego, a smooth—seamless—transition between the two.  What exactly are  its terms?  Where do  we start?  Where  do  we arrive? By what way? One spontaneous way of looking at things would be the following: Freud started off with the “individual” psychic structure, which itself  involved a minimal core of social relations epitomized by Oedipus.  The  individual could be turned into a subject only in the “family” structure, and the key to  all authority, its hidden spring and source, its secret, was  to be sought in the  relation to  the instance of the father. What Freud is doing in this text appears to be, if not a deduction of the social from the family, then a magnification and a multiplication of Oedipus. The family with its Oedipal nexus would be the presupposition, firmly established by prior  psychoanalytic elaboration, and the social, the various vicissitudes of group ties, would be the consequence, the result of a certain understanding of the minimal social nucleus. The familial would thus  be  the  familiar  from  which  to explain the unfamiliar as a version of the familial.

This understanding is, incidentally, at the source of a massive criticism of psychoanalysis presented by Deleuze and Guattari under the banner of anti-Oedipus. Psychoanalysis is blamed for finding the universal clue in this family romance; any complex psychic or social arrangement can be reduced to a story of mummy and daddy. If one can be brought to believe one’s desire is to be aligned with mummy and daddy, then one can easily be prey to other forms of domination, to concurring with molar groups, in the extreme consequence with fascism. And bringing one to believe this is the part of normalization implied in the basic assumptions of psycho- analysis, normalization as opposed to the nomadic, to the multiple and the becoming. I am simplifying, but not much.

Another line of argument could see Freud’s move as embedded in a venerable tradition of political philosophy which goes back to antiquity, to the vulgata of Aristotle’s Politics, where there is a basic congruence, the possibility of mutual transposition and translation, between the three levels of the individual, the family and the polis. In the same way as one is to be the master of one’s own passions, one’s body and its inclinations, the higher faculties of the soul wisely guiding the lower ones; in the same way the father is to be the head of the family, the oikos, the domestic life, wisely guiding the children, the wife, the slaves, and their economy; in the same way the ruler is to wisely guide the polis. Only someone capable of ruling oneself and one’s oikos is apt for ruling the polis with proper authority, and all authority is at its root shaped on the model of the father, the source of natural authority. Is this what Freud can be taken as saying? Does he give us a modern version of the ancient political doctrine under a new disguise? Although taking the model of Oedipus, of all things, after all a Greek myth, can only be seen as highly ironic in that respect, this is a dysfunctional family if there ever was one, to say the least. Can Oedipus serve as a model family?

But one can see already here that Oedipus can hardly count as a reduction to the family, but rather as the impossibility of any such reduction. It is what deroots the  family, dislocates it, prevents its normal function, thwarts it in its goal. It makes any assumption of social functions and roles laden with  a conflict with  uncertain outcome; it doesn’t secure social and family roles, but subverts  them.  The  father is divorced from his “natural” authority, his authority becomes a function of identification, every subject is placed into an impasse, no subject can simply occupy his or her place, every role is subject to strife. As Balibar lucidly put it: “the family structure is not based on Oedipus, but Oedipus, to the contrary, inscribes the conflict and the variability of subjective positions into its core and thus hinders any possibility for the family to impose the roles which it prescribes as simple functions for individuals to fulfill ‘normally’ . . .”9 So Oedipus is not a reduction  to  oikos,  but  rather  the  inner disruption of oikos.

Can one say that Freud presents the father as the source  of every  authority, thus also as the clue to any political authority?  There needs no Freud come from the grave  to tell us this, to paraphrase Hamlet; this was rather the  traditional  view of authority  that is precisely being put to scrutiny here. It is not that Freud reduces everything to relations to father and mother; he rather deprives them of their “natural” roles and presents them as functions laden with structural conflict and instability.  Freud—and  this is a rather massive hypothesis—discerns the function of the father and its vicissitudes precisely at the time when this traditional account has historically lost its sway.

To be sure, Freud proposed his myth of the murder of the father, of the  dead  father acquiring more force as the living one, ruling as the Name of the Father, as the symbolic authority, authority of the symbolic, giving rise to the bonding  of  the  brothers who killed him, etc.  But one could say that with the advent of modernity— the French Revolution marking a symbolic cut and presenting a shorthand for many different processes—it was the dead father himself who died. He  lost his symbolic  impact,  his name stopped being the foundation of authority, it was revealed as an imposture. Fathers, both “real” and symbolic, lost their power, which could then be retroactively seen as tainted with imposture from the outset. So these massive historic presuppositions made it possible for Freud to discern the father, not as a source of authority, natural, religious or symbolic, but in the contingency of his function. It was not that any father or ruler or god could no longer measure up to his function, but rather the symbolic function itself lost the power of measure. There  are  many  ways and vocabularies to describe the ascent of modernity, and this  could  be  one economical proposal: the dead father, the reference point of symbolic authority, has  met his demise. However, the outburst of joy at this dwindling of authority would be premature, and this is one of the stakes of Group Psychology, for what comes after the overthrow of kings and the decline of symbolic authority is not  just the  happy  spread of triumphant democracy, but rather the rise of the underside of the symbolic father, and the psychoanalytic name for it is the superego. This rule is more intractable, or far more difficult to cope with. Lacan had a  great knack  for inventing slogans,  and  this is one of them: Père ou pire, “Father or worse.” The patriarchal rule was  bad  enough, but what we are facing with its demise is even worse. All this gives Freud a historical background that he always avoided, intentionally or not, but that never stopped him from taking stock of it in the  most perceptive  and lucid way, surpassing  by far all those who swear by historicity and historicization.

To come back to Group Psychology, I think that the spontaneous reading which takes the family as the secret core of the social is looking at things the wrong way, although Freud, as always, offers various occasions for misunderstanding. One should take the suggestion of a mutual implication more seriously—that is, not in the sense of one- way implication, the familial implying the social and the artificial ties, but as at the same time the social, artificial ties shedding light on the family, something in the family which is neither familiar nor familial. The unconscious is neither individual nor collective—an individual unconscious depends on a social structure, whereas a collective unconscious would demand a defined collectivity, a community to which it would pertain, but no such pre-given community exists. The unconscious “takes place” precisely between the two, in the very establishment of the ties between an individual (becoming a subject) and a group to which s/he would belong. Strictly speaking there is no individual or collective unconscious; it intervenes at the link between the two. But what is the nature of this unconscious?

Freud opposes two kinds of masses: there  are, on the  one hand,  what he  calls artificial masses, exemplified by the army and the church (one  could say  the  repressive and the ideological state apparatuses, to use Althusserian terms, although Freud never proposes any theory of the state here, as Hans Kelsen was quick to point out in a most interesting exchange which appeared in Imago in 1922).10 They present stability; they secure the permanence and the reproduction of certain social ties as well as certain  ideas; they embed the subjects in a fixed hierarchy, assign them certain social functions, put them into proper slots; they present the face of order and arrangement. On the other hand, there are masses that Le Bon’s account deals with (an exchange with Gustave Le Bon was Freud’s starting point), the ones that act rather as hordes and present the loss of individuality, giving up one’s own will, critical judgment and ethical standards, the thrust towards immediate goals and  instant  gratification,  the  high degree of suggestion, the contagion of feelings, intolerance, and the obedience to the mysterious authority of the leader. Acquisitions of civilization are readily thrown overboard, the mass looks like a regression to some more primitive barbaric stage, supposedly from man’s  phylogenetic  past, an earlier uncivilized phase, thus  testifying to an unconscious root, even more, to a reenactment of the primal horde. Both ultimately share the  basic structural feature of the mass, namely  that of being “a number  of individuals who have put one and the same object  in the  place of their ego  ideal  and have  consequently  identified themselves with one  another in their ego”  (PFL  12, 147). But they do it in radically different ways: the artificial one upholds social ties, assures their permanence and stability and allows for individuality within them, while the ‘primal’ one dismantles social ties: it is ephemeral and threatens with an instant disintegration; it deprives its members of individuality. The first one stands for durability and solidity of social ties, the second one for their untying, and in that untying supplants them with primitive ones, the relic from the primal horde and its boundless submission to the primal father from whom the leader borrows the charismatic features. (Hence the importance of hypnosis, this “vanishing mediator,” the paradoxical “mass of two,” Masse zu zweit, the incipient form of mass formation.)

What is the relation between the two? “These noisy ephemeral groups . . . are as it were superimposed upon the others,” says Freud (PFL 12, p. 161). The ephemeral is superimposed upon the permanent and the enduring, the untying  is  superimposed upon the ties, the horde is superimposed upon  civilization.  But shouldn’t one  read  this as a structural relation rather than as a temporary regression to some  primitive stage? Do not the two structurally belong together? And even if one uses the term regression, as Freud does, isn’t one of the lessons of psychoanalysis precisely that there is no such thing as regression? For every regression is not going back to  an earlier  point, since the apparent going back is always a response to the present deadlock, so that the previous that one goes back to is entirely mediated by the present from which one regressed, and hence belongs to the present constellation. So the primitive,  ‘primary’ mass is a response to a deadlock of the artificial one; it presents its underside, its undoing as operative in its making, in its functioning and reproduction. It testifies to the precarity of the established ties, their conflictual nature, their contingency. It is their symptom. It  displays the same  structure (putting the  same object in the place of the ego ideal), but in a blatant way that exposes the suppositions of the “normal” tie.  So the argument would be the reverse of the spontaneous reading: it is  the primary mass that is derived from the artificial one, although it may  retrospectively seem that it was historically at its origin.

The opposition between the structured and permanent ties of the artificial masses and their undoing, even if ephemeral, in the primary masses is the very space of politics, one of the ways of looking at it. We arrive, by a different way, to the same point, that of the undoing of the established social ties as inherent to their tying, which  is  what opens the space of the political. Not of the political taken as an arrangement of power, or taken as relations of individuals to the community, or as the best way to run the state and institutions, as the key question of the traditional political philosophy “what should be a good government?”11 but of the political as a dislocation of the existing social entities, as shifting the ground of what holds the existing relations together.

To be sure, Freud looks at the emergence of ‘primary’ masses with some degree of horror. He doesn’t exactly see them in the light of the ’68 slogan, “Ce sont les masses qui font l’histoire,” to say the least. These masses  don’t  make  history;  they  unmake  it. There is a mark of contempt for the mob in his stance, a stance of some standing and a long tradition in the Enlightenment. It never occurs to him to see them as the revolutionary masses that could give rise to a hope for change, for a political trans- formation, for the end of domination, doing away with social injustices, the hierarchy and unfreedom of artificial masses. Quite the contrary, they appear as a regression to the harshest form of domination, the reflex of the primal father and the primal horde, the crumbling of all the achievements of civilization. He envisages them as paramount instances of the return of the repressed, and the repressed is not the strife for freedom but a tendency to archaic submission, the lure of the loss of individuality, the instant gratification, the promise of spoils based on a leader who, by his authoritarian stature, can undo the validity of existing rules. The primary mass is like the state of emergency that Giorgio Agamben speaks about; it instates a leader who can suspend the law, something that points to the very modern and sinister paradoxes of sovereignty. The thrust for immediate enjoyment has, on the other hand, all the makings of the superegoic injunction to enjoy, that is, to enjoy under the auspices of the submission to the archaic father. What opposes the present hierarchical institutions like the army and the church, authoritarian as they may be, is an unbounded rule—rule of the superego? So even the army and the church, detested by Freud, particularly the latter, may appear as outposts of civilization in the light of this comparison, their mitigated authoritarianism appearing as preferable to the unmitigated one. One can describe the opposition between the two in terms of the symbolic father, the symbolic authority sustaining the army and the church, and the rule of the superego, the dark underside of the Name of the Father, sustaining the mass. And one could see in that not a regression to an archaic stage, but rather a clue to modernity, something that can shed new light on the common suggestion that we live in a “mass society,” something to be tied up with the demise of the symbolic father and the new rule of the superego, celebrated as a feat of democracy.

But no  doubt the grim lesson Freud draws from it is not the only lesson that follows. It again deprives the process it describes of its ambiguity, and it is its ambiguity that points to the site of the political. There is again a danger of setting up a  duality, where the artificial masses would appear as the proponents of stability, progress and our best hope for an ordered social existence, whereas the primary masses would appear as the black pits of regression, disintegration, and disarray under the banner of a primeval authority. But both  terms of the opposition  are  ambivalent: if  the primary masses are the symptom of the artificial ones, they bring to light their hidden conflict, the repression at the price of which the latter can be set up. On the other hand, the emergence of primary masses also has an effect of lifting the repression (isn’t lifting the repression one of the aims that Freud assigns to psychoanalysis?), shall one say of liberation and emancipation alongside regression, although they pre-  sent at the same time the moment of the greatest danger of sinking into the crude authoritarian rule? No doubt one shouldn’t oppose Freud’s  grim vision  with a  rosy one, with the romantic view of revolutionary masses aspiring for freedom, breaking  their chains and instituting a direct democracy once they have shuffled off the coils of domination. But there is a moment of ambivalence in untying the  social  ties that   Freud describes as the mass, which can go either way, neither simply  back  to  the primal  father nor   simply  into  the  reign  of new freedom and “radical  democracy”— and it is this moment of ambivalence that is the site of a political seam, a stitch to be made, the space where a point de capiton has to intervene. “Masses” don’t make his- tory, for the good reason that they are not political agents but the site of a political intervention.

We can see that all three lines of inquiry intersect at a certain point, although they arrive there by very different ways. The point has been variously named as conflictuality, antagonism, rift, a crack in the social tissue, an excess, the point of ambivalence, untying of social bonds, negativity. This point runs through all of Freud’s works; one can detect it at work in different contexts and under different concepts.   One can see   it in the conflictual nature  of psychoanalytic institutions; one can see  it as designated  by the death drive or by what Freud calls the primary mass. Those  terms and those three approaches have different impacts and ramifications, but I have been trying to single out a core around which they turn as their common ground. And this core,  I  have been arguing, has to be conceived as the site of the political, ubiquitously  inherent in Freud’s work—as a site. But designating this site is not establishing a politics, taking a political line, making a political act—something that Freud has always meticulously refrained from doing. It is as if psychoanalysis  circumscribes  a site, a  locus of the political, without ever quite stepping into this site itself. It is as if it  describes and dissects the space of the political  without ever quite engaging in  politics; it displays the stuff that politics is made of without making politics of it. I would go  even a step further and say that psychoanalysis and politics share the  same  ground;  they share the same condition, but they treat it in a different way. They differ in the manners in which they relate to it.  The common core that binds them together is at   the same time the place of their disjunction.

The difference is not that between “theory” and “practice,” for psychoanalysis involves a practice of its own, a practice  that is always also a social practice, although  on the basis of one-by-one, not of collectivity; and politics always involves  a theory. One could put it this way: if psychoanalysis refrains from making  a  step,  from  deciding the ambivalence, filling the  crack, proposing a new tie  for the  untied, if there is a missing step where a step would have to be made, then politics makes a step too much. It decides the ambiguity; it proposes a new tie; it engages what Badiou calls fidelity to the event, a subjective stance, a process of truth without a guarantee, a transformation. It turns the negative condition into a positive project, a movement, a party, a militancy. It  proposes a new  master signifier,  although it  may  well  be aware of its contingency. No doubt it thereby obfuscates the crack; it eludes the contingency and the ambiguity; it represents the unrepresentable—that is, it misrepresents it—but this is the price of taking the step. On the other side, psychoanalysis is not simply  apolitical; rather, its circumscribing the site of the political is something that calls for politics, for an engagement in that site, for a step too far, although one  can only  do  it at the price of entering into another logic than the one that  sustains  psychoanalysis. The circumscription of the site is no neutral description; it requires a step, although it itself doesn’t prescribe what this step should be.

Another way of putting it: psychoanalysis does engage with the mass, but only at its core—that is, at the point of Masse zu zweit, the mass of two, the point of the vanishing mediator of hypnosis, the missing link that Freud interposes between the phenomena of love and the mass formation. The vanishing mediator returns with a vengeance, for psychoanalysis itself can be described precisely as the reenactment of   the mass of two. This is its home ground, but the whole point is precisely to  undo   what has been tied together in hypnosis—that is, to unravel the amalgamation of the  ego ideal and the object that has been put into its  place.  It  is  in  these terms that Lacan describes psychoanalysis’ mission on the last pages of the seminar on the four fundamental concepts: “Now, as everyone knows, it was by distinguishing itself from hypnosis that analysis became established. For the fundamental mainspring of the analytic operation is the maintenance of the distance between the I—identification— and the a [the object] . . . it isolates the a, places it at  the  greatest  possible  distance from the I ”12 Analysis is about undoing the knot on which mass is based; it unties the mass at its core. But politics has to reestablish the link between the two, at its own risk, without a prescription and without guarantee.

In his seminar on the ethics of psychoanalysis, Lacan at some point discusses the relationship of analysis to  moral action, and he gives the following general statement:  “it may  well be that analysis prepares us [for the  moral action], but at the end of the  day it leaves us at its door [en fin de compte elle nous laisse à sa porte]  Why does it stop at this  threshold?    The  ethical  limits of  analysis coincide  with  the  limits of  its  practice. Its practice is but a prelude to moral action as such”13 Couldn’t one say that an analogous statement can be made about politics? Analysis stops at a threshold—it cannot pass a certain threshold without ceasing to be analysis—but it circumscribes a locus in which a step should be made; but this circumscribing a place is itself a political gesture, a political opening, the opening of a door through which we must make a step.

I suppose one could describe the relation between the two by the term used by Slavoj Žižek, the parallax view: a shifting perspective between two points of view, between  which no synthesis or mediation is possible.  One can only see the one  way   or the other, although one is looking at the same thing. The two may be two sides of  the same thing, but they can never meet at the same level;  there  is  no  neutral  common space; there is a non-relation, but this ties  them  together.  There  is  a  parallax gap.14 Maybe this metaphor, this model, is not a bad way of conceiving how psychoanalysis and politics belong together but can  never  quite  meet  or converge. And it is not true that everything is political. It is  rather the  opposite: politics is rare.  It’s a very scarce thing, and so is psychoanalysis.

Notes
1 The Origins of Psychoanalysis. Letters to Wilhelm Fliess, New York: Basic Books, 1977, p. 253.
2 When a couple of years later, in 1900, Freud published his first  great  book,  The Interpretation of Dreams, he put on the frontispiece a motto from Virgil’s Aeneid: Flectere  si  nequeo superos, Acheronta movebo: “If I cannot bend the Higher Powers, I will move the Infernal Regions” (cf. PFL 4, p. 769). One could make a conjecture that in the choice of this motto one can hear an echo of the Slovene episode. Freud is quoted from The Pelican Freud  Library (PFL), 15 vols., Harmondsworth etc.: Penguin, 1973-1986.
3 See, e.g., his Constats, Paris: Gallimard, 2002.
4 I can refer here to Alain Badiou, Infinite Thought, London/New York: Continuum, 2004, pp. 80-2.
5 “Proposition du 9 octobre 1967”, first version, Analytica 8, Paris 1978, p. 8.
6 “Sur Marx et Freud”, in Écrits sur la psychanalyse, Paris: Stock/IMEC, 1993, pp. 222-245.
7  A Voice and Nothing More, Cambridge (Mass.): MIT, 2005, pp.   91-5.
8 Freud himself tacitly and without further ado subscribes to an equivalence of the two when, in The Future of an Illusion, he speaks about the duality of Logos and Ananke (relying on Multatuli, PFL 12, p. 238) and a couple of years later, in Civilization and Its Discontents, about the duality of Eros and Ananke (p. 290). What is then the relationship of Eros and Logos, given that they are both structurally opposed to Ananke, necessity, fate?
9 Étienne Balibar, La crainte des masses, Paris: Galilée, 1997, p. 337.
10 Cf. the French translation: Hans Kelsen, “La notion d’État et la psychologie sociale”, in Masses et politique, Paris: CNRS, 1988.
11 Cf. Jacques Rancière’s guideline that “politics is not an affair of ties between individuals and the relations between the individuals and the community, it springs from the count of ‘parts’ of the community which is always a false count, a double count or a miscount” (La mésentente, Paris: Galilée, 1995, p. 25). It is an excellent starting point that I cannot pursue here at greater length.
12 The Four Fundamental Concepts of Psychoanalysis, London: Penguin 1979, p. 273.
13 L’éthique de la psychanalyse, Paris: Seuil 1986, p. 30.
14 See Slavoj Žižek, The Parallax View, Cambridge (Mass.): MIT 2006.









































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