Sunday, May 5, 2019

For the youngsters who emigrated. For the silent grief of those who stayed behind. That’s why we vote for MeRA25 in Greece












Yanis Varoufakis





For those of you interested in a glimpse into our Greek election campaign (European and national), here is a translation of MeRA25’s first radio advertisement for the forthcoming European and national elections (featuring, naturally, DiEM25’s theme music composed & performed by our very own Brian Eno). More radio and tv MeRA25 ads will follow soon.

For the youngsters who emigrated

For the youngsters who stayed behind

For the grandfathers who feel ashamed

For the grandmothers who sigh

For the parents who weep at the airports

For the silent grief of the abandoned

For the drowned rage of the unemployed

For the hidden sorrow of the immigrant

For the struggling small businesses

For Greeks who feel European

For Europeans who feel Greek

For the many, not for the trappings of office

For all these people, in these European and national elections we vote for MeRA25 – Because this night has lasted long enough




























Make Elizabeth Warren Hate Again














We don’t just need Elizabeth Warren’s ideas. We need her rage.






I was riding an UberPool home from a demoralizing dead winter dinner shift in the midst of a pregnancy scare when Elizabeth Warren’s universal child care proposal hit my feeds. I had made $225.46 before taxes that night; my babysitter had taken home $160, and she’d need a substantial raise if I had a third. The Warren plan promised to cap day care costs at 7% of household income. If day care costs were income-based, I could have three wall-vandalizing, juicespilling, lipstick-smearing, toilet paper-unravelling, time-murdering children, and I wouldn’t even have to be a waitress to begin with. I could be an adjunct history professor!


I gave $27.50 to the Warren campaign that night. Given her single-digit polling numbers, I realized I stood a better chance of finagling my way into Norwegian citizenship than she had of becoming president, but I wanted the proposals to keep coming. It felt like I was getting something for my money, like I was funding a think tank, a real think tank, not a tax-exempt front for a confederation of lobbying interests staffed by former Hillary aides, but an incubator of vital ideas and solutions in waiting for a Sanders administration.


The policy statement stream persisted: the proposal to undo Amazon and Facebook’s acquisition bingesthe $500 billion plan to build millions of affordable homes; the plan to force agricultural equipment manufacturers to open-source operations so farmers can repair their own machines; the $100 billion plan to radically expand opioid addiction treatment; the proposal to ban fossil fuel extraction on publicly owned lands and make public parks free; the $1.25 trillion plan to cancel student loan debt and make college free. And a raft of targeted new taxes that would finance all these plans: on corporate profits higher than $100 million, inheritances more valuable than $7 million, net worth greater than $50 million.


I would have gladly pitched in more tax dollars to fund most of her agenda, but tellingly, #TeamWarren never asked. So I kept pressing those irritating DONATE buttons. I wasn’t alone. By March the whole lamestream media, from the New York Times to CNBC, was singing the praises of Warren’s proposal mill. A typical Guardian column pronounced her the “intellectual powerhouse of the Democratic party.” Behind that powerhouse, Warren had amassed the 2020 contest’s largest salaried campaign staff, 161 strong by The Hill’s count.


But combing Warren’s Federal Election Commission filings for names to put to this brain trust, I began to feel a bit seasick. Staffer after staffer had cut her (or his) teeth campaigning for Hillary. And upon closer inspection, a fair number of #TeamWarren’s plans reeked of Clintonite horse-shitism (also, pandering 12-figure-pricetag never-gonna-happen-ism.) One section of the housing plan relies on “leveraging” each dollar spent with 10 dollars in private sector funds, which is to say, classic neoliberal profiteering. The hysterically priced $1.2 trillion student debt forgiveness package avoids any changes in Warren’s OG area of expertise, the federal bankruptcy code—which, in denying bankruptcy (unconstitutionally) for student debt, quite literally created the student loan disaster. I asked Alan Collinge of Student Loan Justice what was up. He said Warren’s staff is maddeningly weird on the issue: full of promises one month, incapable of returning an email the next, generally more interested in “throw[ing] money at” the problem than addressing the salient structural flaw. He surmised she was taking orders from the Center for American Progress (CAP). Warren advisor Ganesh Sitaraman, whom Collinge identified as her point person on student loans, is a CAP senior fellow.


At best, as the Boston Globe has detailed, #TeamWarren is using the wonkspam as a marketing tool: Churn out meaty white papers, then ask for cash to keep the ideas in the “conversation.” But it’s not Warren’s “ideas”—at least in the mealy watered-down Beltway thought-leader sense—that we need. It is her (inimitably well-informed) rage. America fell in love with the Warren who went viral dressing down bank CEOs and oblivious regulators, who spent five minutes detailing the extent to which Citigroup alums had infested the Obama Administration before telling the bank that Dodd-Frank’s major flaw was that it should have “broken you up into little pieces”; whose low-key interrogation tactics induced a New York Fed president to essentially confesscolluding with Goldman to hide another bank’s balance sheet hole from European banking authorities; who led the charge to fire the head of the agency overseeing Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac for being too bank-captured to write down any of the millions of underwater mortgages it owned after the 2008 crisis, then publicly eviscerated his replacement for the same exact thing a year later. The Old Warren was never so interested in feeling your pain as she was articulating your pain, to the rich white billionaires inflicting it.


The Old Warren was unabashedly unafraid to tackle two things no other 21st century politician really had: arcana, and the wholesale capture of Democratic Party politics by the big banks. These two things are symbiotic—every election cycle the Democrats bet that stupid Americans’ inability to comprehend the former will continue to obscure the latter. And every election cycle, those same Americans revolt against the bank-backed centrists the Democratic Party pushes on them: by embracing Obama in 2008, the Tea Party in 2010, Bernie Sanders then Donald Trump in 2016, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez in 2018. I’m not saying those Americans are all the same, or that they aren’t ever stupid—shit, I genuinely believed Obama would be an antidote to all this back in 2008, and that was stupid!—but they know what they don’t like, and that is (preachy, endlessly self-satisfied) millionaire Democrats who take marching orders from trillionaire banks. But where Bernie never had much of an appetite for annotating the fine print behind our neoliberal malaise, or calling out the Democratic committee staffers-turned-bank lobbyists who drafted it, Warren always seemed invigorated by the naming of names and parsing details of scams. That is why, as one banker quoted in New York magazine put it, she “strikes fear in [the] hearts” of Wall Street executives, despite her dreary poll numbers, even more so than Sanders: They regard her as more competent.


The old terrifyingly well-informed Righteous Warren made a brief reappearance on a CNN town hall in April, when she described reading the section of the Mueller report in which Trump attempts to get White House Counsel Don McGahn to fire Mueller, then attempts to get McGahn to refute the stories about it, then tries to gaslight McGahn into agreeing that Trump never used the word “fire,” then chews out McGahn for having taken notes. Having two toddlers and a profound cynicism toward Russiagate, I hadn’t gotten so far in the report. But Warren has a way of returning moral clarity well after outrage fatigue has set in, and she made a compelling case that we didn’t have to let yet another rich white guy get away with murder. We may have let Chuck Prince and Angelo Mozilo and the Magnetar guys and the London Whale guys off the hook, but maybe if we hadn’t, we wouldn’t have this crook in the White House now.


She had a point. But she shouldn't narrow her sights. Warren knows more intimately than any other politician how deep and wide the population of rich American villains has grown. They are everywhere, artificially inflating our housing costs and our drug prices, our interest rates and our opioid addiction rates and our carbon emissions.


Having sworn off big-dollar fundraising, now is when Warren should be welcoming their hatred—and exposing the cowardice of phony populists like Joe Biden who have instead welcomed their $2,800 checks. Her fury is what the Left needs.































Joe Biden Is Railing Against Hedge Fund Managers, But He Has a Long History of Courting Them











Biden may cast himself as the champion of working people, but he’s seeking support from the same financial elite that he chides on the 2020 campaign trail.


















“The country wasn't built by Wall Street bankers, CEOs and hedge fund managers,” Joe Biden told a crowd at a Monday campaign rally held in a Teamsters hall, his first appearance as an official 2020 candidate.

This is likely a different message than what Biden has been sending to hedge fund managers themselves, whom he has spent the two years leading up to his announcement aggressively courting. These titans of finance capital have also been among Biden’s early supporters.

In fact, the first time Biden publicly opened the door to a possible 2020 run, he was standing among figures from the hedge fund industry. After months of flat out denials, Biden first admitted he “may very well do it” at the Skybridge Alternatives (SALT) Conference in May 2017, where he appeared as a keynote speaker. SALT is an annual conference bringing together hedge funds in Las Vegas organized and run by Anthony Scaramucci, the hedge fund operator who briefly served as President Trump’s White House communications director in 2017. While Biden is not listed as a speaker for this year’s SALT, his picture is still featured prominently on the front page of its website.         

Attendees at the 2017 conference included billionaire investor Sam Zell, The Carlyle Group co-founder and Co-Executive Chairman David Rubenstein, hedge fund manager James Chanos, Milwaukee Bucks co-owner and Avenue Capital Group co-founder Marc Lasry, as well as a host of celebrities and political figures such as Karl Rove and Donna Brazile. Much of the coverage of the event at the time focused on Biden’s teased presidential run and his testy, possibly misreported exchange with billionaire hedge fund manager Bill Ackman. But Biden was well-received at the event, receiving a standing ovation from the 2,000-strong crowd of Wall Street bigwigs.

Biden’s speech reportedly painted an image of the kind of unified, cooperative American polity that tends to animate his worldview, one where competing interests work together and the country functions more as a singular team than one marked by class divisions. The United States had a plethora of research universities and the “most nimble” venture capitalists, he told the gathering. And while hoarding their wealth wouldn’t enrich the economy, he said, investing in education and other public goods would.

This wasn’t the only time Biden spoke alongside such an ultra-wealthy crowd that year. At an event at the University of Delaware in April 2017 to promote his Biden Institute—which describes itself as a “a research and policy center” aiming to “influence, shape, and work to solve the most pressing domestic policy problems facing America”—Biden convened a panel called “Win-Win: How the Long View Works for Business and the Middle Class.” At the panel, Biden was joined by various corporate executives and figures from the investment industry. He kicked things off by expounding on the virtues of a strong middle class, whose fate, he said, depended on “what companies decide to do with their profits”: invest them in “research, training, equipment” or plow them back into “shareholder payout.”

The eight-member panel—consisting of Biden, various corporate executives and two university associates—was critical of both corporate America, which they argued was driven to short-term thinking by fear of poor quarterly performance, and of hedge fund managers who pushed executives into such behavior.

Yet several of these panelists were themselves members of the hedge fund world: Carsten Stendevad of Bridgewater Associates, which recently topped the list of the world’s biggest and most profitable hedge funds; Sarah Williamson, a former partner and 21-year veteran of hedge fund manager Wellington Management Co. who sat onits Hedge Fund Oversight Committee; Charles Elson, a finance professor at the university who just months before was nominated to run a hedge fund; and Mark Wiseman, the Global Head of Active Equity at BlackRock, the world’s largest asset manager with billions of dollars invested in hedge funds, in which the firm is increasing investment.

The following year, Biden looked partly to the hedge fund world to fill out his institute's Policy Advisory Board, adding former hedge fund boss and major Obama bundler Eric Mindich as well as a number of employees and veterans of firms such as BlackRock, Morgan Stanley and JP Morgan Chase. The Advisory Board’s missioninvolved drafting “a set of new policy ideas to make sure Americans are able to obtain quality jobs that will grow the middle class and our economy.”

Mindich, for his part, has also promised to help Biden raise money for his current campaign.

Such events continued into 2018. Early that year, Biden reportedly attended a fundraiser at the home of Laetitia Garriott de Cayeux, a career-long hedge fund executive, and was the special guest at a $10,000 per person dinner for House Democrats at the aforementioned James Chanos’ home. Chanos, a billionaire who made his fortune by betting on the fall in value of company stocks, has said Biden would “make a great president” and “hits a chord with the middle class,” pledging to “support him any way I can.”

Meanwhile, Florida billionaire Marsha Laufer, whose husband Henry served as an executive at the $57 billion hedge fund Renaissance Technologies, had kind words for Biden before he joined the race, saying he represents “stability of government, truth and values in a traditional sense that people are longing for,” while expressing fear about the Democrats’ leftward shift.

It appears Biden may be returning to this well even after taking a rhetorical jab at “Wall Street bankers, CEOs and hedge fund managers.” Some of those slated to attend an LA fundraiser for Biden next month include: Richard Blum, hedge fund manager, private equity investor and husband of California Sen. Dianne Feinstein;  James Costos, board member of PJT Partners Inc.; and Martha Karsh, whose husband, Bruce, co-founded private equity firm Oaktree Capital.  

Biden’s closeness to the industry is nothing new. A 2015 letter signed by nearly 50 Democratic Party donors and activists urging Biden to run for president the following year featured longtime hedge fund manager Jim Torrey as well as other finance executives. Biden’s 2008 presidential campaign was fined $219,000 by the FEC partly because three members of the campaign took a flight on a private jet owned by the Clinton Group, a New York-based hedge fund. And Biden’s son Hunter was previously chairman of Paradigm, a now-defunct fund of hedge funds he ran alongside Biden’s brother, James.

Alongside this relationship to hedge funds, Biden has been heavily courting labor union support for his presidential run. He opened his campaign with an endorsement from the International Association of Fire Fighters, has spoken in union halls and in front of union audiences in the lead up to his run (including on the day he announced), and recently said that “I make no apologies—I am a union man.” This is despite union antipathy toward hedge funds, which have a history of depleting pension funds through poor performance and exorbitant fees. 

These events suggest the contours of what Biden’s campaign and potential governing style may look like. Biden will likely continue seeking the support of unions while playing up his working-class, Scranton roots in public speeches, while quietly courting hedge fund managers and other corporate and Wall Street executives for funding.

Meanwhile, unlike Bernie Sanders, one of his chief rivals for the Democratic nomination who frames the relationship between corporate America and working people as antagonistic, these episodes suggest Biden sees this relationship as a fundamentally cooperative one.

As Biden said at the Brookings Institution in May 2018, “I’m not Bernie Sanders. I don’t think 500 billionaires are the reason why we’re in trouble.” He went on to say, “The folks at the top are not bad guys… wealthy Americans are just as patriotic as poor folks.”

In this view, Wall Street and corporate executives serve as key stakeholders who must help shape government policy, with Biden acting as a kind of broker between them and the rest of the public. It’s an approach not dissimilar from that taken by previous Democratic presidents in the post-Reagan era.

But can such a coalition of the working class and ultra-rich executives hold together throughout the campaign, particularly at a time of populist anger and historic wealth inequality? With a dangerous billionaire real estate mogul in the White House, that’s one risky proposition.






















Indonesia Will Move its Capital from Fast-Sinking Jakarta














May. 03, 2019 04:44PM EST




Indonesia's president elect announced plans this week to move the country's capital away from Jakarta, reportedly the fastest sinking city in the world.

2018 report said that Jakarta, located on the island of Java, was one of the global cities most vulnerable to sea level rise caused by climate change. It is sinking at a rate of approximately 10 inches per year due to a combination of the drilling of wells for groundwater and the weight of its buildings. The 40 to 50 centimeters (approximately 16 to 20 inches) of sea level rise expected by 2100 even if warming is limited to 1.5 to 2 degrees Celsius would only make the situation worse.

"In Java, the population is 57 percent of the total for Indonesia, or more than 140 million people, to the point that the ability to support this, whether in terms of the environment, water or traffic in the future, will no longer be possible so I decided to move outside Java," Indonesian President President Joko Widodo told local media, as The Financial Times reported.

Jakarta's sinking isn't a problem for the end of the century. Heri Andreas of the Bandung Institute of Technology found that 95 percent of North Jakarta could be underwater by 2050, BBC News reported. Jakarta also experiences serious flooding once a decade and is so congested that its traffic costs Indonesia $7 billion a year, according to The Jakarta Globe.

Planning Minister Bambang Brodjonegoro announced Widodo's decision Monday following a cabinet meeting, Reuters reported.

"The president chose to relocate the capital city to outside of Java, an important decision," he said.

Indonesia held its presidential elections April 17, and private polls have indicated that Widodo is the winner, though his opponent Prabowo Subianto has not conceded. The official results will be announced May 22. During the campaign, Widodo promised to more evenly distribute economic growth outside Java.

An alternative capital has not yet been selected, and Widodo asked ministers to come up with alternatives, The Jakarta Globe reported.

Brodjonegoro said the new capital would probably be located in the center of the country, to encourage a sense of fairness and equity, and that it would need to have enough drinking water and be relatively safe from natural disasters like earthquakes, volcanic eruptions and flooding.

The frontrunner right now is Palangkaraya in Kalimantan, the part of Borneo controlled by Indonesia, BBC News reported. However, one high school student was concerned about what the move might mean for the region's forest.

"I hope the city will develop and the education will become as good as in Jakarta. But all the land and forest that's empty space now will be used. Kalimantan is the lungs of the world, and I am worried, we will lose the forest we have left," the student said.

Some Indonesians are skeptical that the capital will actually be relocated, since such a move has been discussed off and on since the country gained its independence from the Dutch in 1945. But Brodjonegoro was optimistic, pointing to other countries that had achieved similar moves.

"Brazil moved from Rio de Janeiro to Brasilia near the Amazon, and look at Canberra it's built between Sydney and Melbourne, and Kazakhstan moved their capital to closer to the centre of the country and also Myanmar moved to Naypyidaw," he said, as BBC News reported.

He estimated the process would take 10 years. Wikodo said the move could cost $33 billion, The Financial Times reported.




























Reading Marx’s "Capital" Volume 1 with David Harvey

















https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kbufTii1U3A&w=676&h=381


























































A quick note: utopian or real?









May 4, 2019
from Peter Radford





Just a brief follow-on to my recent comments on the role of economics and its relationship with power and/or politics.

I pulled out my old copy of Polanyi’s “The Great Transformation” to refresh my memory of his position on the topic.  Recall that he talked about the way in which economic activity is embedded within the larger social and political fabric.  Mainstream economists must shudder at such a thought.  Isn’t economics superior and more “scientific” than politics?

In any case, in his introduction to the edition I have, Joe Stiglitz made a very useful comment that is worth repeating.  His words are:

“… the very utopianism of market liberalism is a source of its extraordinary intellectual resilience … its theorists can always claim that any failures were not the result of the design but of a lack of political will in its implementation.”


That is clearly true of all utopian or faith-based arguments or theories.  The purity necessary for such arguments or theories to represent reality is unattainable.  Reality is riven through with all sorts of contradictions, uncertainties, and other vagaries such that any utopian vision cannot be fully realized.

Thus, a utopian theory is rendered immune to contradiction.  How sneaky! The defenders of such theories can hide behind a convenience of their own making.  The radical rationality of market liberalism is such a theory.  Its proponents can point to any number of so-called failures that prevent its pristine wonders from occurring on earth.  Inevitably those failures are described as being a problem of governance or, rather, government interference.

The obvious retort to such talk is simply to ask why it is that the theory describes a utopian world and not the one we all observe.  To that the utopian theorists have no answer.

Why?

Because to provide a theory that accounts for the contradictions, uncertainties, and vagaries contradicts their ideological intent.  They set out to prove the superiority of markets over other forms of resource allocation, and the only way of achieving that goal is to abstract away reality with all its inconvenient facts.  However, markets, as Polanyi pointed out, are tainted by their continual co-existence and co-mingling with other forms of allocation and social activity.  Telling the consequences of one set of causes from another is difficult to say the least.  Economics can describe monopolies or rent seeking, but treats them as anomalies that sully the purity of a market.  In reality they are the norm.  Elites make them that way.

It is trivial to argue that perfect markets deliver perfect results.  It is a great deal more difficult to make a real economy tractable to analysis.  And the argument that we ought to compare the pure version with reality to see where we could improve the real world is truly bizarre and pointless.  Unless, of course, your agenda is not study but dictation.

In the context of my recent comments on power, the utopian nature of economics and its need to be other-worldly in order to arrive at its core conclusions, often renders it secondary or worse as a description of economic reality.  The ebb and flow of inequality throughout history is a good example.
Even though things like supply and demand may exist as forces in the allocation of resources and hence the level of inequality, they quite often are overwhelmed by other forces.  Like elitist control of power for instance.  Utopians will, as Stiglitz suggests, cry foul and argue that, “if only” such asymmetries as concentrations of power did not exist, the world would comply with their theory.  But such asymmetries do exist.

They always have.






















Saturday, May 4, 2019

Human influence on global droughts goes back 100 years, NASA study finds













May 1, 2019

NASA/Goddard Space Flight Center

Human-generated greenhouse gases and atmospheric particles were affecting global drought risk as far back as the early 20th century, according to a new study.





Human-generated greenhouse gases and atmospheric particles were affecting global drought risk as far back as the early 20th century, according to a study from NASA's Goddard Institute for Space Studies (GISS) in New York City.

The study, published in the journal Nature, compared predicted and real-world soil moisture data to look for human influences on global drought patterns in the 20th century. Climate models predict that a human "fingerprint" -- a global pattern of regional drying and wetting characteristic of the climate response to greenhouse gases -- should be visible early in the 1900's and increase over time as emissions increased. Using observational data such as precipitation and historical data reconstructed from tree rings, the researchers found that the real-world data began to align with the fingerprint within the first half of the 20th century.

The team said the study is the first to provide historical evidence connecting human-generated emissions and drought at near-global scales, lending credibility to forward-looking models that predict such a connection. According to the new research, the fingerprint is likely to grow stronger over the next few decades, potentially leading to severe human consequences.

Searching for human fingerprints

The study's key drought indicator was the Palmer Drought Severity Index, or PDSI. The PDSI averages soil moisture over the summer months using data such as precipitation, air temperature and runoff. While today NASA measures soil moisture from space, these measurements only date back to 1980. The PDSI provides researchers with average soil moisture over long periods of time, making it especially useful for research on climate change in the past.

The team also used drought atlases: Maps of where and when droughts happened throughout history, calculated from tree rings. Tree rings' thickness indicates wet and dry years across their lifespan, providing an ancient record to supplement written and recorded data.

"These records go back centuries," said lead author Kate Marvel, an associate research scientist at GISS and Columbia University. "We have a comprehensive picture of global drought conditions that stretch back way into history, and they are amazingly high quality."

Taken together, modern soil moisture measurements and tree ring-based records of the past create a data set that the team compared to the models. They also calibrated their data against climate models run with atmospheric conditions similar to those in 1850, before the Industrial Revolution brought increases in greenhouse gases and air pollution.

"We were pretty surprised that you can see this human fingerprint, this human climate change signal, emerge in the first half of the 20th century," said Ben Cook, climate scientist at GISS and Columbia University's Lamont-Doherty Earth Observatory in New York City. Cook co-led the study with Marvel.

The story changed briefly between 1950 and 1975, as the atmosphere became cooler and wetter. The team believes this was due to aerosols, or particles in the atmosphere. Before the passage of air quality legislation, industry expelled vast quantities of smoke, soot, sulfur dioxide and other particles that researchers believe blocked sunlight and counteracted greenhouse gases' warming effects during this period. Aerosols are harder to model than greenhouse gases, however, so while they are the most likely culprit, the team cautioned that further research is necessary to establish a definite link.

After 1975, as pollution declined, global drought patterns began to trend back toward the fingerprint. It does not yet match closely enough for the team to say statistically that the signal has reappeared, but they agree that the data trends in that direction.

Reaching a verdict

What made this study innovative was seeing the big picture of global drought, Marvel said. Individual regions can have significant natural variability year to year, making it difficult to tell whether a drying trend is due to human activity. Combining many regions into a global drought atlas meant there was a stronger signal if droughts happened in several places simultaneously.

"If you look at the fingerprint, you can say, 'Is it getting dry in the areas it should be getting drier? Is it getting wetter in the areas it should be getting wetter?'" she said. "It's climate detective work, like an actual fingerprint at a crime scene is a unique pattern."

Previous assessments from national and international climate organizations have not directly linked trends in global-scale drought patterns to human activities, Cook said, mainly due to lack of data supporting that link. He suggests that, by demonstrating a human fingerprint on droughts in the past, this study provides evidence that human activities could continue to influence droughts in the future.

"Part of our motivation was to ask, with all these advances in our understanding of natural versus human caused climate changes, climate modeling and paleoclimate, have we advanced the science to where we can start to detect human impact on droughts?" Cook said. His answer: "Yes."

Models predict that droughts will become more frequent and severe as temperatures rise, potentially causing food and water shortages, human health impacts, destructive wildfires and conflicts between peoples competing for resources.

"Climate change is not just a future problem," said Cook. "This shows it's already affecting global patterns of drought, hydroclimate, trends, variability -- it's happening now. And we expect these trends to continue, as long as we keep warming the world."

Story Source:

Materials provided by NASA/Goddard Space Flight Center. Original written by Jessica Merzdorf. Note: Content may be edited for style and length.

Journal Reference:

Kate Marvel, Benjamin I. Cook, Céline J. W. Bonfils, Paul J. Durack, Jason E. Smerdon, A. Park Williams. Twentieth-century hydroclimate changes consistent with human influence. Nature, 2019; 569 (7754): 59 DOI: 10.1038/s41586-019-1149-8