Breakaway MPs hope that
smearing Corbyn will obscure the fact that they are remnants of an old
political order bankrupt of ideas
The announcement by seven MPs
from the UK Labour Party on Monday that they were breaking away and creating a
new parliamentary faction marked the biggest internal upheaval in a British
political party in nearly 40 years, when the SDP split from Labour.
On Wednesday, they were joined
by an eighth Labour MP, Joan Ryan, and three Conservative MPs. There are
predictions more will follow.
With the UK teetering on the
brink of crashing out of the European Union with no deal on Brexit, the
founders of the so-called Independent Group made reference to their opposition
to Brexit.
The chief concern cited for
the split by the eight Labour MPs, though, was a supposed “anti-semitism
crisis” in the party.
The breakaway faction
seemingly agrees that anti-semitism has become so endemic in the party since
Jeremy Corbyn became leader more than three years ago that they were left with
no choice but to quit.
Corbyn, it should be noted, is
the first leader of a major British party to explicitly prioritise the rights
of Palestinians over Israel’s continuing belligerent occupation of the
Palestinian territories.
‘Sickeningly racist’?
Luciana Berger, a Jewish MP
who has highlighted what she sees as an anti-semitism problem under Corbyn, led
the charge, stating at the Independent Group’s launch that she had reached
“the sickening conclusion” that Labour was “institutionally
racist”.
She and her allies claim she
has been hounded out of the party by “anti-semitic bullying”. Berger has
suffered online abuse and death threats from a young neo-Nazi who was jailed for two years in 2016. There have been
other incidences of abuse and other sentences, including a 27-month
jail term for John Nimmo, a right-wing extremist who referred to Berger
as "Jewish scum" and signed his messages, "your friend, the
Nazi".
In an interview with the
Jewish Chronicle, the former Labour MP said the Independent Group would
provide the Jewish community with a “political homethat they, like much of the rest of the
country, are now looking for”.
In a plea to keep the party
together, deputy leader Tom Watson issued a video in which he criticised his
own party for being too slow to tackle anti-semitism. The situation “poses a
test” for Labour, he said, adding: “Do we respond with simple condemnation, or
do we try and reach out beyond our comfort zone and prevent
others from following?”
Ruth Smeeth, another Jewish
Labour MP who may yet join a later wave of departures, was reported to have
broken down in tears at a parliamentary party meeting following
the split, as she called for tougher action on anti-semitism.
Two days later, as she split
from Labour, Ryan accused the party of being “infected with the scourge of anti-Jewish racism”.
Hatred claims undercut
The timing of the defections
was strange, occurring shortly after the Labour leadership revealed the findings of an investigation into complaints of
anti-semitism in the party. These were the very complaints that MPs such as
Berger have been citing as proof of the party’s “institutional racism”.
And yet, the report decisively
undercut their claims – not only of endemic anti-semitism in Labour, but of any
significant problem at all.
That echoed an earlier report
by the Commons home affairs committee, which found there was “no
reliable, empirical evidence” that Labour had more of an
anti-semitism problem than any other British political party.
Nonetheless, the facts seem to
be playing little or no part in influencing the anti-semitism narrative. This
latest report was thus almost entirely ignored by Corbyn’s opponents and by the
mainstream media.
It is, therefore, worth briefly
examining what the Labour Party’s investigation discovered.
Over the previous 10 months,
673 complaints had been filed against Labour members over alleged anti-semitic
behaviour, many based on online comments. In a third of those cases,
insufficient evidence had been produced.
The 453 other allegations
represented 0.08 percent of the 540,000-strong Labour membership. Hardly
“endemic” or “institutional”, it seems.
Intemperate language
There is the possibility past
outbursts have been part of this investigation. Intemperate language flared
especially in 2014 – before Corbyn became leader – when Israel launched a
military operation on Gaza that killed large numbers of Palestinian civilians,
including many hundreds of children.
Certainly, it is unclear how many
of those reportedly anti-semitic comments concern not prejudice towards Jews,
but rather outspoken criticism of the state of Israel, which was redefined as
anti-semitic last year by Labour, under severe pressure from MPs such as Berger
and Ryan and Jewish lobby groups, such as the Board of Deputies and the Jewish
Labour Movement.
Seven of the 11 examples of anti-semitism associated with the
International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s definition adopted by Labour
concern Israel. That includes describing Israel as a “racist endeavour”, even
though Israel passed a basic law last year stripping the fifth of its population
who are not Jewish of any right to self-determination, formally creating two classes of citizen.
Illustrating the problem
Labour has created for itself as a result, some of the most high-profile
suspensions and expulsions have actually targeted Jewish members of the party
who identify as anti-Zionist – that is, they consider Israel a racist state.
They include Tony Greenstein, Jackie Walker, Martin Odoni,
Glyn Secker and Cyril Chilson.
Another Jewish member, Moshe Machover, a professor emeritus at the University of
London, had to be reinstated after a huge outcry among members at his treatment
by the party.
Unthinking prejudice
Alan Maddison, who has been
conducting statistical research on anti-semitism for a pro-Corbyn Jewish group,
Jewish Voice for Labour, put the 0.08 percent figure into its wider social and
political context this week.
He quoted the findings of a
large survey of anti-semitic attitudes published by the Institute for Jewish Policy
Research in 2017. It found that 30 percent of respondents from various walks of
society agreed with one or more of eight anti-semitic views, ranging from
stereotypes such as “Jews think they are better than other people” to Holocaust
denial.
However, lead researcher
Daniel Staetsky concluded that in most cases, this was evidence of unthinking
prejudice rather than conscious bigotry. Four-fifths of those who exhibited a
degree of anti-semitism also agreed with at least one positive statement about
Jewish people.
This appears to be the main
problem among the tiny number of Labour Party members identified in complaints,
and is reflected in the predominance of warnings about conduct rather than
expulsions and suspensions.
Far-right bigotry
Another of the institute’s
findings poses a particular problem for Corbyn’s opponents, who argue that the
Labour leader has imported anti-semitism into the party by attracting the “hard
left”. Since he was elected, Labour membership has rocketed.
Even if it were true that
Corbyn and his supporters are on the far-left – a highly questionable
assumption, made superficially plausible only because Labour moved to the
centre-right under Tony Blair in the late 1990s – the institute’s research
pulls the rug out from under Corbyn’s critics.
It discovered that across the
political spectrum, conscious hatred of Jews was very low, and that it was
exhibited in equal measure from the “very left-wing” to the “fairly
right-wing”. The only exception, as one might expect, was on the “very
right-wing”, where virulent anti-semitism was much more prevalent.
That finding was confirmed
last week by surveys that showed a significant rise in violent, anti-semitic
attacks across Europe as far-right parties make inroads in many member states.
A Guardian report noted that the “figures show an overwhelming majority
of violence against Jews is perpetrated by far-right
supporters”.
Supporters of overseas war
So what is the basis for
concerns about the Labour Party being mired in supposed “institutional
anti-semitism” since it moved from the centre to the left under Corbyn, when
the figures and political trends demonstrate nothing of the sort?
A clue may be found in the
wider political worldview of the eight MPs who have broken from Labour.
All but two are listed
as supporters of
the parliamentary “Labour Friends of Israel” (LFI) faction. Further, Berger is
a former director of that staunchly pro-Israel lobby group, and Ryan is its
current chair, a position the group says she will hold onto, despite no longer
being a Labour MP.
So extreme are the LFI’s views
on Israel that it sought to exonerate Israel of a massacre last year, in which its
snipers shot dead many dozens of unarmed Palestinian demonstrators in Gaza in a
single day. Faced with a social media backlash, it quietly took down the posts.
The eight MPs’ voting records
– except for Gavin Shuker, for whom the picture is mixed – show them holding
consistently hawkish foreign policy positions that are deeply antithetical to
Corbyn’s approach to international relations.
They either “almost always” or
“generally” backed “combat
operations overseas”; those who were MPs at the time supported the 2003 Iraq
war; and they all opposed subsequent investigations into the Iraq war.
Committed Friends of Israel
In one sense, the breakaway
group’s support for Labour Friends of Israel may not be surprising, and
indicates why Corbyn is facing such widespread trouble from within his own
party. Dozens of Labour MPs are members of
the group, including Tom Watson and Ruth Smeeth.
Smeeth, one of those at the
forefront of accusing Corbyn of fostering anti-semitism in Labour, is also a
former public affairs director of BICOM, another stridently pro-Israel lobby group.
None of these MPs were
concerned enough with the LFI’s continuing vocal support for Israel as it has
shifted to the far-right under Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to have
stepped down from the group.
‘Wrong kind of Jews’
Anti-semitism has taken centre
stage in the manoeuvring against Corbyn, despite there being no evidence of
significant hatred against Jews in the party. Increasingly, it seems, tangible
abuse of Jews is of little interest unless it can be related to Corbyn.
The markedly selective
interest in anti-semitism in the Corbyn context among the breakaway MPs and
supposed anti-semitism watchdogs has been starkly on show for some time.
Notably, none expressed
concern at the media mauling of a left-wing, satirical Jewish group called
Jewdas when Corbyn was widely attacked for meeting “the wrong kind of Jews”. In
fact, leading Labour figures, including the Jewish Labour Movement, joined in
the abuse.
And increasingly in this
febrile atmosphere, there has been an ever-greater indulgence of the “right
kind of anti-semitism” – when it is directed at Corbyn supporters.
A troubling illustration was
provided on the TV show Good Morning Britain this week, when Tom Bower was
invited on to discuss his new unauthorised biography of Corbyn, in which he
accuses him of anti-semitism. The hosts looked on demurely as Bower, a Jewish
journalist, defamed fellow Jewish journalist Michael Segalov as a “self-hating
Jew” for defending Corbyn on the show.
Revenge of the Blairites
So what is the significance of
the fact that the Labour MPs who have been most outspoken in criticising Corbyn
– those who helped organise a 2016 leadership challenge against him, and those
who are now rumoured to be considering joining the breakaway faction – are heavily
represented on the list of MPs supporting LFI?
For them, it seems, vigorous
support for Israel is not only a key foreign policy matter, but a marker of
their political priorities and worldview – one that starkly clashes with the
views of Corbyn and a majority of the Labour membership.
Anti-semitism has turned out
to be the most useful – and damaging – weapon to wield against the Labour
leader for a variety of reasons close to the hearts of the holdouts from the
Blair era, who still dominate the parliamentary party and parts of the Labour
bureaucracy.
Perhaps most obviously, the
Blairite wing of the party is still primarily loyal to a notion that Britain
should at all costs maintain its transatlantic alliance with the United States
in foreign policy matters. Israel is a key issue for those on both sides of the
Atlantic who see that state as a projection of Western power into the oil-rich
Middle East and romanticise Israel as a guarantor of Western values in a
“barbaric” region.
Corbyn’s prioritising of
Palestinian rights threatens to overturn a core imperial value to which the
Blairites cling.
Tarred and feathered
But it goes further.
Anti-semitism has become a useful stand-in for the deep differences in a
domestic political culture between the Blairites, on one hand, and Corbyn and
the wider membership, on the other.
A focus on anti-semitism
avoids the right-wing MPs having to admit much wider grievances with Corbyn’s
Labour that would probably play far less well not only with Labour members, but
with the broader British electorate.
As well as their enthusiasm
for foreign wars, the Blairites support the enrichment of a narrow neo-liberal
elite, are ambivalent about austerity policies, and are reticent at returning
key utilities to public ownership. All of this can be neatly evaded and veiled
by talking up anti-semitism.
But the utility of
anti-semitism as a weapon with which to beat Corbyn and his supporters –
however unfairly – runs deeper still.
The Blairites view allegations
of anti-Jewish racism as a trump card. Calling someone an anti-semite
rapidly closes down all debate and rational thought. It isolates, then tars and
feathers its targets. No one wants to be seen to be associated with an
anti-semite, let alone defend them.
Weak hand exposed
That is one reason why anti-semitism
smears have been so maliciously effective against anti-Zionist Jews in the
party and used with barely a murmur of protest – or in most cases, even
recognition that Jews are being suspended and expelled for opposing Israel’s
racist policies towards Palestinians.
This is a revival of the vile
“self-hating Jew” trope that Israel and its defenders concocted decades ago to
intimidate Jewish critics.
The Blairites in Labour,
joined by the ruling Conservative Party, the mainstream media and pro-Israel
lobby groups, have selected anti-semitism as the terrain on which to try to
destroy a Corbyn-led Labour Party, because it is a battlefield in which the
left stands no hope of getting a fair hearing – or any hearing at all.
But paradoxically, the Labour
breakaway group may have inadvertently exposed the weakness of its hand. The
eight MPs have indicated that they will not run in by-elections, and for good
reason: it is highly unlikely they would stand a chance of winning in any of
their current constituencies outside the Labour Party.
Their decision will also spur
moves to begin deselecting those Labour MPs who are openly trying to sabotage
the party – and the members’ wishes – from within.
That may finally lead to a
clearing out of the parliamentary baggage left behind from the Blair era, and
allow Labour to begin rebuilding itself as a party ready to deal with the
political, social, economic and environmental challenges of the 21st century.
