Saturday, January 5, 2019

Wall Street rules












Andre Damon


5 January 2019



The Federal Reserve sent a clear message to Wall Street on Friday: It will not allow the longest bull market in American history to end. The message was received loud and clear, and the Dow rose by more than 700 points.

Hundreds of thousands of federal workers remain furloughed or forced to work without pay as the partial government shutdown enters its third week, but the US central bank is making clear that all of the resources of the state are at the disposal of the financial oligarchy.

Responding to Thursday’s market selloff following a dismal report from Apple and signs of a manufacturing slowdown in both China and the US, the Fed declared it was “listening” to the markets and would scrap its plans to raise interest rates.

Speaking at a conference in Atlanta, where he was flanked by his predecessors Ben Bernanke and Janet Yellen, both of whom had worked to reflate the stock market bubble after the 2008 financial crash, Chairman Jerome Powell signaled that the Fed would back off from its two projected rate increases for 2019.

“We’re listening sensitively to the messages markets are sending,” he said, adding that the central bank would be “patient” in imposing further rate increases. To underline the point, he declared, “If we ever came to the conclusion that any aspect of our plans” was causing a problem, “we wouldn’t hesitate to change it.”

This extraordinary pledge to Wall Street followed the 660 point plunge in the Dow Jones Industrial Average on Thursday, capping off the worst two-day start for a new trading year since the collapse of the dot.com bubble.

William McChesney Martin, the Fed chairman from 1951 to 1970, famously said that his job was “to take away the punch bowl just as the party gets going.” Now the task of the Fed chairman is to ply the wealthy revelers with tequila shots as soon as they start to sober up.

Powell’s remarks were particularly striking given that they followed the release Friday of the most upbeat jobs report in over a year, with figures, including the highest year-on-year wage growth since the 2008 crisis, universally lauded as “stellar.”

While US financial markets have endured the worst December since the Great Depression, amid mounting fears of a looming recession and a new financial crisis, analysts have been quick to point out that there are no “hard” signs of a recession in the United States.

Both the Dow and the S&P 500 indexes have fallen more than 15 percent from their recent highs, while the tech-heavy NASDAQ has entered bear market territory, usually defined as a drop of 20 percent from recent highs.

The markets, Powell admitted, are “well ahead of the data.” But it is the markets, not the “data,” that Powell is listening to.

Since World War II, bear markets have occurred, on average, every five-and-a-half years. But if the present trend continues, the Dow will reach 10 years without a bear market in March, despite the recent losses.

Now the Fed has stepped in effectively to pledge that it will allocate whatever resources are needed to ensure that no substantial market correction takes place. But this means only that when the correction does come, as it inevitably must, it will be all the more severe and the Fed will have all the less power to stop it.

From the standpoint of the history of the institution, the Fed’s current more or less explicit role as backstop for the stock market is a relatively new development. Founded in 1913, the Federal Reserve legally has had the “dual mandate” of ensuring both maximum employment and price stability since the late 1970s. Fed officials have traditionally denied being influenced in policy decisions by a desire to drive up the stock market.

But like all institutions of the capitalist state, the central bank functions not to impartially and equally protect the interests of worker and capitalist. Rather, to quote the Communist Manifesto, it is an essential part of the “committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie.”

Federal Reserve Chairman Paul Volcker, appointed by Democratic President Jimmy Carter in 1979, deliberately engineered an economic recession by driving the benchmark federal funds interest rate above 20 percent. His highly conscious aim, in the name of combating inflation, was to quash a wages movement of US workers by triggering plant closures and driving up unemployment.

The actions of the Fed under Volcker set the stage for a vast upward redistribution of wealth, facilitated on one hand by the trade unions’ suppression of the class struggle and on the other by a relentless and dizzying rise on the stock market.

Volcker’s recession, together with the Reagan administration’s crushing of the 1981 PATCO air traffic controllers’ strike, ushered in decades of mass layoffs, deindustrialization and wage and benefit concessions, leading labor’s share of total national income to fall year after year.

These were also decades of financial deregulation, leading to the savings and loan crisis of the late 1980s, the dot.com bubble of 1999-2000, and, worst of all, the 2008 financial crisis.

In each of these crises, the Federal Reserve carried out what became known as the “Greenspan put,” (later the “Bernanke put”)—an implicit guarantee to backstop the financial markets, prompting investors to take ever greater risks.

In 2008, this resulted in the most sweeping and systemic financial crisis since the Great Depression, prompting Fed Chairman Bernanke, New York Fed President Tim Geithner and Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson (the former CEO of Goldman Sachs) to orchestrate the largest bank bailout in human history.

Since that time, the Federal Reserve has carried out its most accommodative monetary policy ever, keeping interest rates at or near zero percent for six years. It supplemented this boondoggle for the financial elite with its multi-trillion-dollar “quantitative easing” money-printing program.

The effect can be seen in the ever more staggering wealth of the financial oligarchy, which has consistently enjoyed investment returns of between 10 and 20 percent every year since the financial crisis, even as the incomes of workers have stagnated or fallen.

American capitalist society is hooked on the toxic growth of social inequality created by the stock market bubble. This, in turn, fosters the political framework not just for the decadent lifestyles of the financial oligarchs, each of whom owns, on average, a half-dozen mansions around the world, a private jet and a super-yacht, but also for the broader periphery of the affluent upper-middle class, which provides the oligarchs with political legitimacy and support. These elite social layers determine American political life, from which the broad mass of working people is effectively excluded.

The Federal Reserve is a key mechanism for perpetuating this whole filthy system, in which “Wall Street rules.” But its services in behalf of the rich and the super-rich only compound the fundamental and insoluble contradictions of capitalism, plunging the system into ever deeper debt and ensuring that the next crisis will be that much more violent and explosive.

In this intensifying crisis, the working class must assert its independent interests with the same determination and ruthlessness as evinced by the ruling class. It must answer the bourgeoisie’s social counterrevolution with the program of socialist revolution.
























Kim Jong Un’s Warning to Trump







North Korea’s leader is telling Washington that his patience is wearing out. But his New Year’s Day speech contained other fascinating clues to Kim’s ambitions for 2019—and beyond.

By ANKIT PANDA

January 02, 2019




Kim Jong Un had a simple message for U.S. President Donald J. Trump during his New Year’s Day address. Echoing months of statements carried in North Korean state media since the June 12, 2018, summit meeting between the two leaders in Singapore, Kim noted that he had followed through in good faith on measures to signal his interest in seeing through “complete denuclearization” on the Korean Peninsula. In two words, Kim’s message for the United States: “Your turn.”

It’s a message Kim has been repeating since June 13, when the North Korean leader was paraphrased in his state media as vowing that “if the U.S. side takes genuine measures for building trust in order to improve the DPRK-U.S. relationship,” North Korea would offer up further concessions. In Kim’s view, he had offered up ample concessions in 2018 to merit concessions from the Trump administration, which remains fixated on offering North Korea sanctions relief and other inducements only after the final, fully verified denuclearization of North Korea is attained.

In 2017 and 2018, Kim had a habit of telling us what he was going to do in the year ahead and then proceed to do it. While North Korea is often painted as an opaque state, impossible to predict, the truth is that Kim has been remarkably transparent about his intentions. On defense and nuclear matters, at least, North Korean policy has remained static through his tenure.

In 2017, for instance, Kim promised that North Korea would acquire a capability to strike the U.S. mainland that year. By November, he showed that he had successfully overseen that project, with two intercontinental-range ballistic missile designs having been flight-tested successfully. Similarly, in 2018, Kim ordered the mass production of ballistic missiles and nuclear warheads. Per multiple reports last year citing U.S. intelligence assessments, that’s happened, too—even as Kim jetted off to foreign capitals, shedding his reputation as a hermit king.

Kim recounted this history in his speech, underlining North Korea’s internal and external promises to behave responsibly as a nuclear weapons-possessing state. He noted that North Korea had “declared … that we would neither make and test nuclear weapons any longer nor use and proliferate them, and we have taken various practical measures [in this regard].”

This line may sound new and significant, but it isn’t. It reiterates directives dating back at least to North Korea’s March 2013 adoption of nuclear-state status. In that declaration, the Kim regime pledged to handle nuclear materials securely, not proliferate them, and to only use nuclear weapons in circumstances where it perceived its national security and survival to be threatened. (North Korea has been promising not to proliferate its nukes for years before Kim Jong Un.)

Kim’s “your turn” message for Trump this year shouldn’t have surprised anyone paying attention. It was, after all, during the September 2018 summit between Kim and South Korean President Moon Jae-in that the North Korean leader signed his name onto a statement that suggested he might be open to the prospect of further disarmament gestures should the United States deliver “corresponding measures.” During the North Korean foreign minister’s address to the United Nations General Assembly in New York that same month, it became clear that the primary North Korean demand—as had been true for years—was the removal of international sanctions.

In April 2018, Kim had announced a unilateral suspension of nuclear tests and tests of the kinds of missiles that could strike the U.S. homeland. The gesture was at the time justified on the basis of technical parameters: Kim suggested that North Korea had sufficient testing data, had completed its deterrent force qualitatively, and could now cease testing. In subsequent weeks, however, those measures came to be described as “denuclearization steps” by North Korea. Kim was framing the mere cessation of testing as a significant concession on the pathway to the “denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula.”

That phrase received particular attention in Kim’s New Year’s address, too. In December, a remarkable commentary in the state-run Korean Central News Agency attributed to the pen name Jong Hyon defined that phrase—and its geographic contours—in stark detail. “When we refer to the Korean Peninsula, they include both the area of the DPRK and the area of South Korea where aggression troops including the nuclear weapons of the U.S. are deployed,” the commentary noted, revealing North Korea’s continuing conspiratorial belief that U.S. tactical nuclear weapons that were removed from the Peninsula in 1991 remain there.

“When we refer to the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, it, therefore, means removing all elements of nuclear threats from the areas of both the north and the south of Korea and also from surrounding areas from where the Korean peninsula is targeted. This should be clearly understood,” the commentary added.

Kim Jong Un emphasized this same message, though less explicitly. He noted that U.S. “strategic assets”—a North Korea phrase used to mean everything from ballistic missile defense capabilities like THAAD to nuclear attack submarines and aircraft carriers—“should no longer be permitted” on or around the Korean Peninsula.

It’s here too that Kim seized on the tremendous progress North Korea made in 2018 to drive a wedge between Seoul and Washington. Pointing to the success in the implementation of the September 19 inter-Korean Comprehensive Military Agreement, which saw a range of tension reduction measures on land, at sea and in the air, Kim said South Korea should cease “joint military exercises with foreign forces.” The allies have already announced that the upcoming 2019 iterations of Foal Eagle and Key Resolve—the large springtime exercises—will be modified to allow diplomacy to proceed with North Korea. But separately, Kim’s speech, which was broadcast live for the first time in South Korea, comes amid great discord between Seoul and Washington on the finalization of an agreement to govern burden-sharing within the alliance.

Going further, Kim encouraged his counterpart in the South to push ahead with inter-Korean projects without waiting for support from the United States—effectively an invitation to Moon to recognize the historic moment and push forward in the spirit of Korean self-determination, even if that meant violating international sanctions. Kim dangled specifically the prospect of resuming the operations of the Kaesong Industrial Park and tourism activities at Mt. Kumgang—two banner projects of the “Sunshine” era of inter-Korean rapprochement in the early 2000s, during the rule of his father, Kim Jong Il.

Zeroing in on what Kim said about the United States misses the broader significance of his speech. Although Kim spent about a quarter of his speech addressing inter-Korean issues and diplomacy with the United States — generating most of the headlines — it was primarily about internal affairs.

That other three-quarters reveals North Korean priorities in the year ahead. Namely, the “new strategic line” announced by Kim last year in April as a successor to the byungjin line, which sought the parallel attainment of a nuclear deterrent and economic prosperity, is here to stay. This strategic line remains without a name or a slogan for now, but North Korea’s core drive now is attaining economic self-sufficiency and prosperity—an updated version of its foundational ideology of juche.

It’s clear from his speech that Kim hopes to see through North Korea’s economic development regardless of changes in the external environment. He emphasizes the importance of industrial capacity-building, improvements in management techniques for facilities, attaining energy self-sufficiency and modernizing North Korea’s military. Last year, despite Kim’s relatively heavy travel schedule, he conducted multiple “on-the-spot guidance” visits to a range of North Korean industrial, health care and commercial facilities to direct this project of economic improvement. While Kim himself and his father and grandfather all have conducted these kinds of visits, his tours in 2018 were notable for the push toward modernization and development.

Kim also signaled that he recognizes that the United States won’t be lifting its sanctions anytime soon. As a result, North Korea intends to hedge by shifting away from its reliance on exporting coal—a sanctioned activity—to using it domestically. Kim additionally referenced “atomic power” in his speech, perhaps suggesting that 2019 may see a new push by North Korea to finalize and announce the operation of a new facility thought to be an experimental light-water reactor at its Yongbyon nuclear complex.

Kim did leave one warning on the table that should be taken seriously by Trump and his national security team. He warned the United States not to insist on his unilateral capitulation as it has been and, in the process, test North Korea’s “patience.” If it does, Pyongyang may “be compelled to find a new way for defending the sovereignty of the country and the supreme interests of the state and for achieving peace and stability of the Korean peninsula.” Kim conveyed again his willingness to meet Trump—and only Trump—but he also made clear that a second summit will have to open a door to the concessions that North Korea seeks from the United States.

What exactly Kim wants is left ambiguous, but even Trump—who has repeatedly tweeted about how much he appreciates the cessation of nuclear and missile testing—can guess what might lie on the other side. At some point in 2019, if the “corresponding measures” North Korea has been seeking from the United States fail to arrive, Kim will likely turn back to his old ways. The missiles will begin flying again as North Korea showcases the fruits of its qualitative and quantitative attainment in 2017 and 2018.

North Korean statement in the final days of 2018 alluded to this, suggesting that the U.S. State Department was “bent on bringing DPRK-U.S. relations back to the status of last year, which was marked by exchanges of fire.” Given progress on the inter-Korean front in the meantime, Kim may be betting that South Koreans supportive of Moon’s inter-Korean peace push will be eager to blame the collapse of diplomacy on the United States, dealing a blow to the already-troubled U.S.-South Korea alliance in the process.





























Friday, January 4, 2019

The initial stages of a bear market?











https://mootrades.com/2019/01/03/why-this-time-is-different/























Ro Khanna & AOC against Pelosi & other corporate Democrats on Paygo



Once again, corporate democrats are working AGAINST the welfare of the people they represent. This is why Democrats lose.



https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=g4lQX91yH_k























































Employers Are Doing Irreversible Damage to Older Workers' Lives







Peter Gosselin

JAN 03, 2019


[…]

“Nobody plans to lose their job. If there’s work to do and you’re doing it, you figure you’ll get to keep doing it,” he said recently. But once employers start pushing people out, no amount of hard work will save you, he added, and “nothing you do at your job really prepares you for being out” of work.

For 50 years, it has been illegal under the federal Age Discrimination in Employment Act, or ADEA, for employers to treat older workers differently than younger ones with only a few exceptions, such as when a job requires great stamina or quick reflexes.

For decades, judges and policymakers treated the age law’s provisions as part and parcel of the nation’s fundamental civil rights guarantee against discrimination on the basis of race, sex, ethnic origin and other categories.

But in recent years, employers’ pleas for greater freedom to remake their workforces to meet global competition have won an increasingly sympathetic hearing. Federal appeals courts and the U.S. Supreme Court have reacted by widening the reach of the ADEA’s exceptions and restricting the law’s protections.

Meanwhile, most employers have stopped offering traditional pensions, which once delivered a double-barreled incentive for older workers to retire voluntarily: maximum payouts for date-certain departures and the assurance that benefits would last as long as the people receiving them. That’s left workers largely responsible for financing their own retirements and many in need of continued work.

“There’s no safe haven in today’s labor market,” said Carl Van Horn, a public policy professor and director of the Heldrich Center for Workforce Development at Rutgers University in New Jersey. “Even older workers who have held jobs with the same employer for decades may be laid off without warning” or otherwise cut.

[…]






















British Spy Found Inside Bernie Sanders Campaign










https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s8OFkgEPyRo


































































Ocasio-Cortez & Ro Khanna Fight to Stop Nancy Pelosi's PayGo Rule










https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6tLdvuQN0FY