
Friday, May 18, 2018
The Six Senate Democrats Who Voted Yes to Confim Gina Haspel as CIA Director
(Most of the whom are up for re-election this November in states Trump won easily in 2016)
Six Democrats who helped Republicans in confirming Haspel:
• Sen. Joe Manchin of West Virginia,
• Sen. Joe Donnelly of Indiana,
• Sen. Bill Nelson of Florida,
• Sen. Heidi Heitkamp of North Dakota,
• Sen. Jeanne Shaheen of New Hampshire, and
• Sen. Mark Warner of Virginia
West’s Failure to Act Will be Cause of the Next Gaza Massacre
MAY 17, 2018
Nazareth.
The contrasting images coming
out of Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories on Monday could not have
been starker – or more disturbing.
Faced with protests at the
perimeter fence in Gaza, Israeli snipers killed dozens of unarmed Palestinians
and wounded more than 2,000 others, including children, women, journalists and
paramedics, in a hail of live fire. Amnesty, the international human rights
organisation, rightly called it a “horror show”.
Such horror is now so routine
that TV anchors could only headline the news as the worst day of bloodshed in
Gaza in four years, when Israel massacred civilians in its last major military
assault.
Already gasping from the
chokehold of Israel’s decade-long blockade of Gaza, local hospitals are now
collapsing from the weight of casualties.
A few kilometres away,
meanwhile, Israelis were partying.
So-called “liberal” Tel Aviv
was busy “chicken dancing” with Netta, who had just won the Eurovision Song
Contest and gave a free open-air performance to celebrate.
And in Jerusalem, Israeli
prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu was glad-handing a bevy of US officials,
including Ivanka Trump, the president’s daughter and policy adviser. They were
there to beam for the cameras as the US opened its embassy in the occupied
city.
The move pre-empts
negotiations over the city’s fate and sabotages Palestinian ambitions for East
Jerusalem to become the capital of a future Palestinian state.
Netanyahu’s grin said it all.
As he mouthed platitudes about “Middle Eastern peace”, he finally had
Washington’s blessing for all of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital. And next year
Europe will give its implicit blessing too by hosting the Eurovision Song
Contest there.
But amid the euphoria, a few
Israeli commentators understood that politics is about more than power – it’s
about imagery too. The champagne-quaffing in Tel Aviv and Jerusalem while Gaza
drowned in blood left a profoundly sour taste in the mouth.
There was more than a whiff of
hypocrisy too in statements about “defending borders” from a state that has
refused to declare its borders since its creation exactly 70 years ago – as
well as from a Netanyahu government currently trying to establish a Greater
Israel over the Palestinian territories.
But the hypocrisy was not
restricted to Israel and Washington, which parroted Mr. Netanyahu’s talking
points.
There was an ugly equivocation
from other western leaders. They spoke of “regret”, “tragedy” and “concern at
the loss of life”, as though an act of God had struck Gaza, not an order from
Israeli commanders to quell the Palestinian urge for freedom with live
ammunition.
Equally dishonest was talk of
the “need for restraint from both sides” and “clashes”, as though the
protesters had been tussling with Israeli soldiers in hand-to-hand combat
rather than being coldly picked off through telescopic sights.
Israeli politicians and media
have desperately searched for a moral justification for these executions. They
have talked of “kite terrorism” and a supposed stone-throwing threat to
soldiers positioned hundreds of yards away.
While thousands of
Palestinians have been executed or maimed, how many Israelis have been harmed
in the past six weeks of Gaza’s protests? Precisely none.
This is a strange kind of
terror.
The reality is that tiny Gaza
is becoming rapidly uninhabitable, as the United Nations has repeatedly warned.
For more than a decade Israel has blockaded it from land, air and sea, while
intermittently pummelling the enclave with missiles and military invasions.
A senior New York Times
correspondent tweeted on Monday that Gaza’s Palestinians looked as though they
had a “death wish”. But two million Palestinians – a population rapidly growing
– are inmates in what is effectively a shrinking prison, whose store rooms are
almost bare.
Tens of thousands of them have
shown they are prepared to risk their lives not for some death cult but to win
freedom, the most precious human impulse of all.
And they have preferred
confrontational, non-violent resistance as a way to shame Israel and the world
into recognising their plight.
And yet instead, Israel has
stripped them of all agency by falsely claiming that they are pawns in a game
by Hamas to pressure Israel.
But in so far as Hamas is
trying to influence Israel, what is its aim?
Last week, a gloating Israeli
media reported that Hamas was quietly appealing for a long-term truce with
Israel, effectively renouncing the Palestinians’ right to violently resist
Israel’s occupation.
It would not be the first
time. But whereas once Hamas sought a truce in return for a two-state solution,
now it is said to have requested simply an end to the blockade and a chance to
rebuild Gaza.
Even this minimal concession
is rejected by Israel. Instead an Israeli minister responded to Monday’s
slaughter by proposing that Israel assassinate the Hamas leadership.
Israel may be without remorse,
but are western leaders feeling shamed?
Apart from South Africa and
Turkey, none has so far withdrawn an ambassador. There are no calls for
embargos on sales of arms, no demands for war crimes investigations, no threats
of trade sanctions.
And no plans, of course, for
the kind of “humanitarian intervention” western governments have keenly
promoted in other parts of the Middle East where civilians are under threat.
For seven decades, the west
has pampered Israel at every turn. The lack of any meaningful punishment for
violating Palestinian rights led directly to Monday’s massacre.
And the failure to inflict a
price on Israel for this massacre – in fact, the reverse: visible rewards with
a relocated US embassy and the chance to host the Eurovision Song Contest –
will lead to the next massacre, and the one after.
Handwringing is not enough. It
is time for anyone with a conscience to act.
The Bolton Administration Has Already Begun
The hard-right national
security adviser successfully tanked the Iran deal. His next target? The North
Korea talks.
By John Feffer, May
16, 2018
For a man with a reputation
for venting spleen and flying off the handle, John Bolton bided his time before
finally rising to the position of power he now occupies.
The former U.S. ambassador to
the UN spent much of the last decade consolidating his political base through
stints at right-wing institutes like the American Enterprise
Institute, media appearances on Fox, and the occasional reckless op-ed. He
considered running for president in 2012 and 2016 but chose not to take the
risk. Instead, he raised large amounts of money for extreme right-wing
Republican candidates like Senator Tom Cotton (R-AR).
When Donald Trump appeared on
the political scene, Bolton eagerly endorsed the
candidate in the presidential race and offered himself up as a potential
secretary of state. Trump won, but Bolton didn’t get the call. A similarity in
temperament and a difference in ideology seemed to doom his appointment. The
White House, after all, couldn’t possibly accommodate two filterless hotheads.
Moreover, Bolton’s continued
support for the Iraq War and a more interventionist U.S. foreign policy seemed
to put him forever at odds with the new president. “Bolton’s lambasting of
global aristocrats aside, there isn’t much in the man’s worldview that rings
consonant with President Trump’s ‘America First’ foreign policy,” wrote Daniel DePetris in The American
Conservative.
That was then. Now John Bolton
is Trump’s national security advisor.
After a steady diet of
levelheaded corporate execs and restrained military men, Trump clearly wanted a
little more hot sauce in the Oval Office. As for the differences in ideology,
those were largely fictitious. Trump has no ideology, and Bolton is smart
enough to tailor his message to his audience.
Trump is a very powerful boat
with no rudder. Unfortunately, Bolton is now his rudder. Which effectively
means, when it comes to foreign policy, that it’s Bolton’s administration now.
Bolton’s Impact
National security advisor is
the perfect position for Bolton. He didn’t have to go through any messy
confirmation hearings. He doesn’t have to perform any of the ceremonial tasks
of a secretary of state.
He can instead focus on what
he does best: steering government policy far to the right. Only a few weeks
into his job, he can already put one notch in his gun for helping to steer the
United States out of the Iran nuclear deal.
This should have been an easy
task, since Trump had already made clear his distaste for the agreement. But
there was still significant disagreement within the administration. Bolton, it
appears, tilted the balance away from those, like Defense Secretary Jim Mattis,
who preferred to remain within the agreement. Writes Mark Langler in The New York
Times:
Even if Mr. Mattis had wanted
to fight for the deal, it is not clear how much he would have been heard. Mr.
Bolton, officials said, never convened a high-level meeting of the National
Security Council to air the debate. He advised Mr. Trump in smaller sessions,
otherwise keeping the door to his West Wing office closed. Mr. Bolton has
forged a comfortable relationship with the president, several people said,
channeling his “America First” vocabulary.
Now that he has this
comfortable relationship, Bolton will move on to more challenging assignments.
“By working in the West Wing, the national security adviser spends more
time with the president than the secretaries of State or Defense, and so can
always get the last word,” writes Jonathan Swan in Axios. “But
Bolton is signaling restraint until Trump makes a decision.”
So, for instance, with the
Iran deal decision made, Bolton has been coy about whether he’s
still pushing a regime-change strategy toward Iran. In public, of course, he
must defer to the president. In private, Bolton would never keep his ideas to
himself. As one of the biggest boosters of the
militant, cult-like People’s Mujahedin of Iran (or
MEK), Bolton is no doubt whispering into Trump’s ear at every possible
opportunity that Iran is on the verge of regime collapse and a cadre of Ahmed Chalabisare ready to take
over. All it needs is a tightening economic noose and a military nudge from
Israel.
Meanwhile, as the president’s
enforcer, it’s Bolton’s job to play the bad cop. He’s already done so with
Europe, raising the possibility of
sanctioning European businesses that continue to work with Iran. Bolton must
love the opportunity to kill two multilateral birds with one unilateral stone.
However, the test of Bolton’s
impact shouldn’t be Iran, where his views intersect with Trump’s. The real
challenge will be on issues where Bolton’s stated preferences are diametrically
opposed to current policy.
From Regime Change to
Rapprochement?
John Bolton has never
concealed his desire to see the collapse of the current government in North
Korea. In February, even after the two Koreas had cooperated in the Winter
Olympics, Bolton continued to argue in
the Wall Street Journal that the United States should launch a
preemptive military attack on Pyongyang and its nuclear facilities.
The Journal piece
featured a bizarre, legalistic argument based on his interpretation of a
British attack on a Canadian steamboat in U.S. territory in 1837. (No, I’m not
making this up). Bolton didn’t bother to devote any space to the likely
consequences of a preemptive attack on North Korea that, unlike the British
example, could escalate to an exchange of nuclear weapons and involve the
deaths of more than a million people.
It was pure Bolton: a legal
intellect plus an instinct for bombast — and minus any acknowledgement of
real-world consequences.
Now, as national security
advisor, Bolton must wrap his mind around the reality of the potential summit
between his boss and Kim Jong Un, scheduled for June 12 in Singapore. This
might seem to put Bolton in a bind, forcing him to make arguments that run
counter to his long-held preferences.
But remember: Bolton knows how
to bide his time. He knows that the track record of U.S.-North Korean
negotiations isn’t very good. He knows that a failed summit could easily push
Donald Trump to the other side of the spectrum — or perhaps, given North Korea’s reaction to
the recent U.S.-South Korean military exercises, the summit might not happen at
all. A Trump scorned will likely find regime-change arguments more compelling.
In the meantime, Bolton is
doing what he can to subtly undermine the upcoming summit. He’s ratcheted down
expectations by saying that the Trump
administration isn’t “starry-eyed” about the meeting. He’s loaded the summit agenda by
adding “their ballistic missile programs, their biological and chemical weapons
programs, their keeping of American hostages, the abduction of innocent
Japanese and South Korean citizens over the years.” It would be hard enough to
negotiate a nuclear agreement even without adding these other elements (though
North Korea has already released the “American hostages”).
But perhaps the most sinister
tactic Bolton has deployed involves his references to Libya. In interviews,
he has said that Libya’s
denuclearization in the 2000s can serve as a model for the North Korea talks.
Libya? The country that gave
up its nuclear weapons program and then, within a few years, experienced civil
war, foreign intervention, and regime collapse? Is that really the kind of
model you want to highlight with a country like North Korea, which is worried
about precisely such a scenario?
An anonymous source in the
Trump administration told Abigail Tracy of Vanity
Fair that Bolton is sending his own message to the North Koreans: “I mean,
there is only one reason you would ever bring up Libya to the North Koreans,
and that is to tell them, ‘Warning: don’t go any further because we are going
to screw you’… So yeah, I completely agree that that is a dog whistle to the
North Koreans, telling them, ‘don’t trust us.’”
Of course, Bolton’s mere
presence in the administration, even if he just stands quietly in the corner
and scowls, sends the message that this government is not to be trusted.
Perhaps that’s the real reason for North Korea’s sudden summit skepticism.
War at the Top?
John Bolton isn’t stupid
enough to contradict his boss, at least not directly. He’s a sycophant to his superiors and
a sunvabitch to his subordinates. The interesting part comes with his relations
to his equals. The most interesting part will be his relationship with Secretary
of State Mike Pompeo.
Thomas Wright, in Politico, argues that Bolton and Pompeo are
cruising for a mutual bruising. He argues that it’s not hawks versus doves in
the Trump administration, but “litigators versus planners.”
The litigators, led by Trump
and deputized to Bolton, see national security policy as a way of settling
scores with enemies, foreign and domestic, and closing the file. They will
torpedo multilateral deals, pull out of international commitments and
demonstrate American power before moving on to the next target.
Planners, on the other hand,
are worried about the day after — for instance, how the United States addresses
Chinese economic power in the wake of a pullout from the Trans Pacific
Partnership trade deal.
It’s not yet clear whether
Pompeo is a litigator or a planner, and thus whether he’ll team up with Bolton
or side with the quintessential planner, Jim Mattis, to challenge the national
security advisor’s blow-‘em-all-up philosophy. Wright expects a showdown.
I’m not sure. I expect
tactical alliances between Bolton and Pompeo (on Iran) and tactical
disagreements (on China). Where they disagree, Bolton probably will gain the
upper hand, if not immediately then eventually, because he knows better how to
manipulate the levers of power.
But on the general direction
of Trump’s foreign policy, Bolton and Pompeo are in agreement. The
faux-isolationism of Trump during his presidential campaign fooled a number of
neoconservatives into voicing their opposition. But it didn’t fool either
Bolton or Pompeo.
Let’s be clear: There is no
American “retreat” from the world. Under the rubric of “America First,” the
Trump administration has created a new kind of multilateral engagement —
aligned with the hard right in Israel and Mohammed bin Salman in Saudi Arabia,
allied with authoritarian and far-right leaders like Recep Tayyip Erdogan in
Turkey, Vladimir Putin in Russia, and Viktor Orban in Hungary, and in support
of a range of plutocratic interests over and above the wellbeing of the
majority and the planet as a whole. (I long for Angela Merkel to just come out
and say it: “Gott in Himmel, we must oppose this new Axis of Autocracy!)
So, not a retreat from the
world but a retort to the world: Move this way, not that. As the Washington
Examiner recently editorialized, “Trump’s foreign policy
record is one of America continuing its role as global leader — even if we’re
leading in a direction that displeases John Kerry.”
But please, let’s not talk
about Trump’s “foreign policy record.” This is not the world of Donald Trump.
The world of Trump is Mar-a-Lago, Fox News, and his Twitter account. His
worldview is limited by his over-inflated ego and bank account.
No, this is the world of John
Bolton. And, for a limited time before he blows it up, we’re just living in it.
Defenders of Open Internet Deliver 'Historic Win' as Senate Votes to Restore Net Neutrality
"The fight ahead is not
going to be easy, but victory is within reach."
The open internet scored a
huge victory on Wednesday, but you wouldn't know it
by watching America's major corporate television networks.
Thanks to weeks of
sustained grassroots pressure in the form of 16 million emails, over a million
phone calls, and nationwide demonstrations both online and off, three
Republicans voted with the Senate Democratic caucus on Wednesday to
block the GOP-controlled FCC's net neutrality repeal, clearing a crucial hurdle
on the path to saving the web from the greed of
the telecom industry.
In a statement applauding
the 52-47
vote, Free Press Action Fund president Craig Aaron said the Senate's
passage of the so-called resolution of disapproval is "a historic win for
supporters of net neutrality and a stinging rebuke to the army of phone-and
cable-company lobbyists and lackeys trying to take away our internet
freedom."
"Today the Senate has
taken a giant step toward unwinding the least-popular policy decision in the
history of the FCC," Aaron added.
Despite those and similar
pronouncements by organizers about the significance of the victory, the news
was virtually, if not completely, ignored by
major cable outlets like MSNBC and CNN, respectively owned by
Comcast and Time Warner—two of the major corporate powers lobbying against the
CRA's passage.
Meanwhile, as activists emphasized the
importance of celebrating this crucial win given the tireless
grassroots effort that produced it, open internet advocates and pro-net
neutrality lawmakers noted that the same level of grassroots pressure—and
likely even more—will be necessary to carry the resolution through the House of
Representatives.
"The fight ahead is not
going to be easy, but victory is within reach," declared Evan Greer,
deputy director of Fight for the Future.
"In the House, we'll need
218 lawmakers to sign on to a 'discharge petition' in order to force a vote
past leadership to the floor," Greer observed. "That means we'll need
to convince all the Democrats, and about 25 Republicans, to support the CRA.
And the clock is ticking — if the CRA resolution doesn't get a vote this year,
it dies when the new Congress comes into session."
Just minutes after the final
Senate vote was cast, advocacy groups began encouraging Americans to pressure
their representatives to back net neutrality by signing on to the discharge petition
Rep. Mike Doyle (D-Pa.) plans to file Thursday morning. The measure currently
has the support of 161 House Democrats.
Michael Copps, former FCC
Commissioner and special adviser for Common Cause, said the House must
"hear the strong voice of the American people demanding an open internet
and saying 'No!' to the telecom and cable monopolies" and follow in the
Senate's footsteps.
"Voters are watching and
they will remember come November how their representatives voted," Copps
said. "We urge the House of Representatives to do its job and pass this
resolution to restore net neutrality."
Big Primary Wins for Socialists and Progressives Who Ran on 'Popular Demands That Were Deemed Impossible'
Defying national and
state-level Democratic establishment forces that have worked
to crowd out left-wing candidates and demonstrating that there is a
deep hunger among the American electorate for a bold
progressive agenda, candidates running on platforms of Medicare for All,
free college, and a living wage emerged victorious in several state primaries
on Tuesday and tore through the boundaries of what is conventionally considered
politically feasible.
"It feels like a
monumental shift," Arielle Cohen, co-chair of Pittsburgh Democratic
Socialists of America (DSA), told the Huffington
Post after four DSA-backed candidates defeated establishment Democrats in
Pennsylvania. "We won on popular demands that were deemed impossible. We
won on healthcare for all; we won on free education."
Running in Pennsylvania's
State House Districts 34 and 21 respectively, Summer Lee and
Sara Innamorato—both running on platforms consisting of Medicare for All,
strong environmental protection, and campaign finance reform—toppled what local
news outlets described as a "political dynasty" by trouncing
Democratic cousins Paul Costa and Dom Costa by a wide margin.
"They said it wasn't
possible without institutional support. That we couldn't talk about Medicare
for All, a living wage, about ending corruption in Harrisburg,"
Innamorato said during
her victory party Tuesday night. "And you know what we did instead? We
built something."
"The establishment's
scared," Pittsburgh DSA wrote on Twitter in
response to the upset victories, which also included wins by Elizabeth
Fiedler and Kristin
Seale over their establishment counterparts. "When we fight, we
win."
Signs of the grassroots
progressive wave that some predicted will ultimately sweep across the country
could also be seen in Idaho on Tuesday, where progressive Paulette Jordan
handily defeated her establishment-backed Democratic opponent A.J. Balukoff in
a bid to become the nation's first Native American governor.
If she wins in November,
Jordan—who ran on protecting public land from corporate plunder and criminal
justice reform—would be Idaho's first
Democratic governor in over 20 years.
"Today's elections prove
movement politics candidates, who rely on people power, can win, and win
powerfully," Ryan Greenwood, director of Movement Politics for People's
Action, said in a statement on Wednesday. "Candidates for public office
who commit to a racial and gender justice agenda that puts people and our
planet before profits are winning."
Thursday, May 17, 2018
Palestine shrinking, expanding Israel
http://progressive.org/dispatches/what-israel-fears-most-peaceful-resistance-Nakba-180515/

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