Saturday, November 4, 2017

Blade Runner 2049: A View of Post-Human Capitalism






















How are capitalism and the prospect of post-humanity related? Usually it is posited that capitalism is (more) historical, and our humanity, inclusive of sexual difference, more basic, even ahistorical. However, what we are witnessing today is nothing less than an attempt to integrate the passage to post-humanity into capitalism. This is what the efforts of new billionaire gurus like Elon Musk are about; their prediction that capitalism “as we know it” is coming to an end refers to “human” capitalism, and the passage they talk about is the passage from  “human” to post-human capitalism. Blade Runner 2049 deals with this topic.

The first question to ask is: Why is the fact that two replicants (Deckard and Rachael) formed a sexual couple and created a human being in a human way, experienced as such a traumatic event, celebrated by some as a miracle and castigated by others as a threat? Is it about reproduction or about sex, i.e., about sexuality in its specific human form? The movie focuses exclusively on reproduction, again neglecting the big question: Can sexuality, deprived of its reproductive function, survive into the post-human era? The image of sexuality remains the standard one. The sexual act is shown from the male perspective, so that the flesh-and-blood android woman is reduced to the material support of the hologram fantasy-woman Joi created to serve the man: “she must overlap with an actual person’s body, so she is constantly slipping between the two identities, showing that the woman is the real divided subject, and the flesh and blood other just serves as a vehicle for the fantasy.“[1] The sex scene in the film is thus almost too directly “Lacanian” (in line with films like Her), ignoring authentic hetero-sexuality where the partner is not just a support for me to enact my fantasies but a real Other.[2] The movie also fails to explore the potentially antagonistic difference among androids themselves, that is, between the “real flesh” androids and an android whose body is just a 3D hologram projection. How does, in the sex scene, the flesh-and-blood android woman relate to being reduced to the material support of the male fantasy? Why doesn’t she resist and sabotage it?

The movie provides a whole panoply of modes of exploitation, including a half-illegal entrepreneur using the child labor of hundreds of human orphans to scavenge old digital machinery. From a traditional Marxist standpoint, strange questions arise here. If fabricated androids work, is exploitation still operative here? Does their work produce value which is in excess of their own value as commodities, so that it can be appropriated by their owners as surplus-value?

One should note that the idea of enhancing human capacities in order to create perfect post-human workers or soldiers has a long history in the twentieth century. In the late 1920s, none other than Stalin for some time financially supported the “human-ape” project proposed by the biologist Ilya Ivanov (a follower of Bogdanov, the target of Lenin’s critique in Materialism and Empirio-Criticism). The idea was that by way of coupling humans and orangutans, one would create a perfect worker and soldier impervious to pain, tiredness and bad food. (In his spontaneous racism and sexism, Ivanov, of course, tried to couple male humans and female apes. Plus, the humans he used were black males from Congo since they were supposed to be genetically closer to apes, and the Soviet state financed an expensive expedition to Congo.) When his experiments failed, Ivanov was liquidated. Furthermore, the Nazis also regularly used drugs to enhance the fitness of their elite soldiers, while, now, the US army is experimenting with genetic changes and drugs to make soldiers super-resilient (they already have pilots ready to fly and fight for 72 hours on end).

In the domain of fiction, one should include zombies into this list. Horror movies register class difference in the guise of the difference between vampires and zombies. Vampires are well-mannered, exquisite, aristocratic. They live among normal people, while zombies are clumsy, inert, dirty, and attack from the outside, like a primitive revolt of the excluded. The equation between zombies and the working class was directly made in White Zombie (1932, Victor Halperin), the pre-Hays-Code first full-length zombie film. There are no vampires in this film. But, significantly, the main villain who controls the zombies is played by Bela Lugosi, who became famous as Dracula. White Zombie takes place on a plantation in Haiti, the site of the most famous slave revolt. Lugosi receives another plantation owner and shows him his sugar factory where workers are zombies who, as Lugosi is quick to explain, don’t complain about long working hours, demand no trade unions, never strike, but just go on and on working… Such a film was possible only before the imposition of the Hays Code.

In a standard cinematic formula, the hero, living as (and thinking he is) just an ordinary guy, discovers he is an exceptional figure with a special mission. In Blade Runner 2049, K conversely thinks he is the special figure everybody is looking for (the child of Deckard and Rachael), but gradually realizes that (as many other replicants) he is just an ordinary replicant obsessed with an illusion of greatness. So, he ends up sacrificing himself for Stelline, the true exceptional figure everyone is looking for. The enigmatic figure of Stelline is crucial here: she is the “real” (human) daughter of Deckard and Rachael (the result of their copulation), which means a human daughter of replicants, turning around the process of man-made replicants. Living in her isolated world, unable to survive in the open space filled with real plants and animal life, kept in utter sterility (a white dress in an empty room with white walls), her contact with life limited to the virtual universe generated by digital machines, she is ideally positioned as a creator of dreams: she works as an independent contractor, programming false memories to be implanted into replicants. As such, Stelline exemplifies the absence (or, rather, the impossibility) of a sexual relationship, which she supplants with a rich fantasmatic tapestry. No wonder that the couple created at the film’s end is not the standard sexual couple but the asexual couple of a father and a daughter. This is why the final shots of the film are so familiar and weird at the same time: K sacrifices himself in a Christ-like gesture on snow to create the… father-daughter couple.

Is there a redemptive power in this reunion? Or should we read the fascination with it against the background of the film’s symptomatic silence about the antagonisms among humans in the society it depicts? Where do human “lower classes” stand? However, the movie does render nicely the antagonism that cuts across the ruling elite itself in our global capitalism: the antagonism between State and its apparatuses (personified in Joshi) and big corporations (personified in Wallace) pursuing progress to its self-destructive end. “While the state political-legal position of the LAPD is one of potential conflict, Wallace sees only the revolutionary productive potentials of self-reproducing replicants, which he hopes could give him a leg up in his business. His perspective is one of the market; and it is worth looking at these contradictory perspectives of Joshi and Wallace, for they are indicative of the contradictions that do exist between the political and the economic; or, put differently, they oddly indicate the intersection of the class state mechanism and the tensions in the economic mode of production.”[3]

Although Wallace is a real human, he already acts as nonhuman, an android blinded by excessive desire, while Joshi stands for apartheid, for the strict separation of humans and replicants. Her standpoint is that, if this separation is not upheld, there will be war and disintegration: “If a child is born from a replicant mother (or parents), does he remain a replicant? If he has produced his own memories, is he still a replicant? What is now the dividing line between humans and replicants if the latter can self-reproduce? What marks our humanity?”[4]

So should we not, with regard to Blade Runner 49, supplement the famous description from The Communist Manifesto, adding that also sexual “one-sidedness and narrow-mindedness has become more and more impossible”; that also in the domain of sexual practices, “all that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is profaned,” so that capitalism tends to replace the standard normative heterosexuality with a proliferation of unstable shifting identities and/or orientations? Today’s celebration of “minorities” and “marginals” is the predominant majority position, and even the alt-rightists who complain about the terror of liberal Political Correctness present themselves as the protectors of an endangered minority. Or, take those critics of patriarchy who attack it as if it were still a hegemonic position, ignoring what Marx and Engels wrote more than 150 years ago, in the first chapter of The Communist Manifesto: “The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations.” This statement is still ignored by those Leftist cultural theorists who focus their critique on patriarchal ideology and practice. Not to mention the prospect of new forms of the android (genetically or biochemically manipulated) post-humanity, which will shatter the very separation between the human and the nonhuman.

Why does the new generation of replicants not rebel? “Unlike the replicants in the original, the newer replicants never revolt, though it is not clearly explained why, other than they are programmed not to.  The film, however, hints at the explanation: the fundamental difference between the new and old replicants involves their relation to their false memories. The older replicants revolted because they believed their memories to be real and thus could experience the alienation of recognizing that they weren’t. The new replicants know from the beginning that their memories are faked, so they are never deceived. The point is thus that fetishistic disavowal of ideology renders subjects more enslaved to the ideology than simple ignorance of its functioning.”[5] The new generation of replicants is deprived of the illusion of authentic memories, of all the substantial content of their being, and thereby reduced to the void of subjectivity, i.e., to the pure proletarian status of substanzlose Subjektivitaet. So, does the fact that they don’t rebel mean that rebellion has to be sustained by some minimal substantial content threatened by the oppressive power?

K stages a fake accident to make Deckard disappear not only from the sight of state and capital (Wallace) but also from the sight of the replicant rebels who are led by a woman, Freysa — a name which, of course, echoes freedom, Freiheit in German. Both the state apparatus, embodied in Joshi, and the revolutionaries, embodied in Freysa, want Deckard dead. Although one can justify his decision by the fact that Freysa also wants Deckard dead (so that Wallace would not be able to discover the secret of the replicant reproduction), K’s decision nonetheless gives to the story a conservative-humanist twist: it tries to exempt the domain of family from key social conflict, presenting both sides as equally brutal. This not-taking-sides betrays the falsity of the film: it is all too humanist, in the sense that everything circulates around humans and those who want to be (or to be taken as) humans or those who don’t know they are not humans. (Is the result of biogenetics not that we, ”ordinary” humans, effectively are that — humans who don’t know they are not humans, i.e., neuronal machines with self-awareness?) The film’s implicit humanist message is that of liberal tolerance: we should give androids with human feelings (love, etc.) human rights, treat them like humans, incorporate them into our universe… But, upon their arrival, will our universe still be ours? Will it remain the same human universe? What is missing is any consideration of the change that the arrival of androids with awareness will mean for the status of the humans themselves. We, humans, will no longer be humans in the usual sense, so will something new emerge? And how to define it? Furthermore, with regard to the distinction between androids with a “real” body and hologram androids, how far should our recognition extend? Should also hologram replicants with emotions and awareness (like Joi who was created to serve and satisfy K) be recognized as entities that act as humans? We should bear in mind that Joi, ontologically a mere hologram replicant with no actual body of its own, commits in the film the radical act of sacrificing herself for K, an act for which it (or, rather, she) was not programmed.[6]

Avoiding this set of questions leaves only the option of a nostalgic feeling of threat (the threatened “private” sphere of sexual reproduction), and this falsity is inscribed into the very visual and narrative form of the film. Here, the repressed of its content returns, not in the sense that the form is more progressive, but in the sense that the form serves to obfuscate the progressive anti-capitalist potential of the story. The slow rhythm with aestheticized imagery directly expresses the social stance of not-taking-sides, of passive drifting.

So what would have been an authentic contact between a human and a replicant? Let’s take a (perhaps) surprising example: Wind River (Taylor Sheridan, 2017), a movie which tells the story of Natalie Hanson, a native American girl found raped and frozen in mid-winter on a desolate Wyoming reservation. Cory, a hunter whose girl also disappeared three years ago, and Jane, a young FBI agent, try to unravel the mystery. In the final scene, Cory goes to Hanson’s house where he finds a desperate Martin, Natalie’s father, sitting outside with a “death face” (a mix of blue and white) paint on his face. Cory asks him how did he learn to do it, to which Martin replies: “I don’t. I’ve just made it up. There’s no one left to teach it.” He informs Cory that he just wanted to let it all go and die when the phone rang. His (delinquent) son Chip called him, released from prison, asking him to pick him up at the bus station. Martin says he will do it “as soon as I wash this shit off my face”: “I should go and get him, eventually. Just sit here for a minute. Got time to seat with me?” Cory says “yes”; they seat there silently, and a title screen comes up saying that statistics are kept for every group of missing people except native American women. Nobody knows how many are missing.

The terse beauty of this ending is slightly damaged only by these final words on the screen (they state the obvious and thus introduce an element of fake objectivity into an extreme existential drama.) The underlying problem is that of a ritual of mourning which enables us to survive an unbearably traumatic loss, and the glimmer of hope provided by the ending is that Martin and Cory will be able to survive through such a minimal ritual of just sitting silently. We should not dismiss lightly Martin’s “as soon as I wash this shit off my face” as grounded in the fact that his death face is not there in the old authentic way but just improvised by him: it would remain “shit” even if it were to be done authentically. Martin has already irretrievably lost his ancient ethnic substance; he is already a modern subject unable to practice “death face” with full immersion. However, the miracle is that, although he knows and assumes all this, improvising a death face and just sitting there with it works as authentic in its very artificial improvisation. It may be shit, but shit works in its very minimal gesture of withdrawal from life’s engagements. We should bear in mind here that Cory is a white man living on a reservation, and what Martin asks him to do is not to show solidarity with a grieving native American and participate in a ritual which is meaningless to him: such patronizing respect for a primitive culture is one of the most disgusting versions of racism. The message of Martin’s request is that he shares with Cory the distance the latter feels towards the native American ritual. Cory’s – white man’s – distance is already Martin’s, and it is this distance that makes the ritual authentic, not part of some ridiculous “immersion into a native culture.” Do we not encounter here yet another example of a twist that characterizes the Moebius strip? When we progress from the naïve immersion in a ritual to its utter dismissal as something ridiculous, we all of a sudden find ourselves back in the same ritual, and the fact that we know it is all rubbish in no way diminishes its efficacy.

Can we imagine something homologous taking place between a human and a replicant? A situation in which the two invent and participate in a similar empty ritual? A ritual which is in itself totally meaningless – we search in vain for a deeper message hidden in it – since its function is purely tautological, or as Jakobson called it phatic?

When the question “are androids to be treated like humans?” is debated, the focus is usually on awareness or consciousness: do they have an inner life? (Even if their memories are programmed and implanted, they can still be experienced as authentic.) Perhaps, however, we should change the focus from consciousness or awareness to the unconscious: do they have an unconscious in the precise Freudian sense? The unconscious is not some deeper irrational dimension but what Lacan would have called a virtual “another scene” which accompanies the subject’s conscious content. Let’s take a somewhat unexpected example. Recall the famous joke from Lubitsch’s Ninotchka: “‘Waiter! A cup of coffee without cream, please!’ ‘I’m sorry, sir, we have no cream, only milk, so can it be a coffee without milk?’”
At the factual level, coffee remains the same coffee, but what we can change is to make the coffee without cream into a coffee without milk — or, more simply even, to add the implied negation and to make the plain coffee into a coffee without milk. The difference between “plain coffee” and “coffee without milk” is purely virtual; there is no difference in the real cup of coffee.
And exactly the same goes for the Freudian unconscious: its status is also purely virtual. It is not a “deeper” psychic reality, and, in short, unconscious is like “milk” in “coffee without milk.” And therein resides the catch. Can the digital big Other which knows us better than we know ourselves also discern the difference between “plain coffee” and “coffee without milk”? Or does the counterfactual sphere lie outside the scope of the digital big Other which is constrained to facts in our brain and social environs that we are unaware of? The difference we are dealing with here is the difference between the “unconscious” (neuronal, social…) facts that determine us and the Freudian “unconscious” whose status is purely counterfactual. This domain of counterfactuals can only be operative if subjectivity is there. In order to register the difference between “plain coffee” and “coffee without milk,” a subject has to be operative. And, back to Blade Runner 49, can replicants register this difference?

Notes:
[1] Todd MacGowan, personal communication.
[2] The film just extrapolates the tendency, which is already booming, of more and more perfect silicon dolls. See Bryan Appleyard, “Falling In Love With Sexbots,” The Sunday Times, October 22 2017, p. 24-25: “Sex robots may soon be here and up to 40% of men are interested in buying one. One-way love may be the only romance of the future.” The reason for the power of this tendency is that it really brings nothing new: it merely actualizes the typical male procedure of reducing the real partner to a support of his fantasy.
[4] Flisfeder, op.cit.
[5] Todd MacGowan, personal communication.
[6] I owe this point to Peter Strokin, Moscow.



































Building the left outside the Democratic Party










This party isn't gonna get any better

The hopes for rebuilding and strengthening the left lie outside the Democratic Party.

October 31, 2017



Clockwise from top left: Nancy Pelosi, Tom Perez, Cory Booker and Chuck Schumer






TWO STORIES have gotten attention in recent weeks as key indicators of what direction each of the major political parties is heading in the lead-up to the 2018 midterm elections.

Arizona Sen. Jeff Flake, one of Donald Trump's leading Republican critics, announced that he wouldn't run for re-election after it became apparent he wouldn't win a primary challenge from Kelli Ward, the rabid xenophobe whose campaign is part of Steve Bannon's master plan remake the Republican Party in Donald Trump's vile image.

A few days earlier, Democratic National Committee (DNC) chair Tom Perez purged a number of Bernie Sanders' key allies from the organization's leadership posts and its rule committee.

Many of the progressives were replaced with current and former lobbyists for big banks and energy corporations. Also appointed was Donna Brazile, best known most recently for using her job at CNN to leak debate questions to the Clinton campaign--"an interesting choice for a committee that focuses on 'rules,'" as Branko Marcetic noted for In These Times.

Put the two stories together and what do you have? At a time of growing polarization in which people are moving toward both ends of the political spectrum, the Republican Party is moving further to the right while the Democratic Party is...also moving further to the right.

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BERNIE SANDERS' stunning success last year as a self-proclaimed socialist running for the Democratic presidential nomination created justifiable excitement on the left about the prospects for socialism to finally break out of isolation after many decades in the American wilderness.

Since then, Sanders' popularity has only increased. A recent Harvard-Harris poll has him as the most popular politician in either party, with especially strong support registering among young people generally and Blacks and Latinos of all ages.

It isn't hard to see why. While Sanders is pushing for policies like a single-payer health care system that would benefit the vast majority of the country, other leading Democrats have little to offer beyond hoping that the Robert Mueller investigation of the Trump campaign's ties to Russia will somehow lead to the president's impeachment.

No wonder many supporters of the Democrats are getting restless. The same Harvard-Harris poll shows that 52 percent of Democrats support "movements within the Democratic Party to take it even further to the left and oppose the current Democratic leaders."

Even more encouragingly, the AFL-CIO convention passed a resolution last week calling for labor to form an "independent political voice" because "the time has passed when we can passively settle for the lesser of two evils."

These expressions of frustration with corporate Democrats are important, but they shouldn't give the left a false sense of confidence that the maneuverings of Perez and the DNC represent the last gasp of a clueless old guard whose time has passed.

In fact, as the outlook for the 2018 midterm elections starts to take shape, it's looking more likely that the party apparatus knows what it's doing in maintaining control than the progressives who think they're reshaping the party from the inside.

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ALL THIS takes place in the context of political volatility around the world.

Countries that have failed to restore living standards to the level before the Great Recession of 2007-08 have seen increasing polarization, creating crises for parties of the center--and the rise of more radical parties and leaders on both the right and left.

In the U.S., Trump's victory in the Republican primaries was both the culmination of a decades-long move to the right and a dramatic shift in the GOP's internal power dynamics--to the extent that its traditional corporate power brokers now have to accommodate and sometimes follow the ideologically hardened nationalism and fascist flirtations of sections of the party's base.

Jeff Flake's problem in Arizona wasn't that Kelli Ward and Steve Bannon are wildly popular--Harvard-Harris puts Bannon's approval rating at 16 percent--but that they increasingly dominate a party shifting even further to the right.

The Democrats, of course, have their own polarization to deal with. But unlike their weakened and divided Republican counterparts, the Democratic leadership has remained united around a vision of corporate liberalism--with political platforms that read like generic corporate brochures about the benefits of a diverse workplace and the wonders of retraining programs when you inevitably get laid off.

This party unity in spite of the discontent of its base was clear last year when Sanders won 45 percent of primary voters, but was backed by only 8 percent of the elected officials, staffers, lobbyists and donors who made up the party's "superdelegates."

Republicans have reflected the polarization of this period so much more clearly than Democrats in part because there is much less room for radical left-wing politics inside parties owned by the 1 Percent than there is room for radical right-wing politics.

The militants inside the Republican Party have been funded by a constellation of billionaires with overlapping reactionary agendas, ranging from libertarianism to Christian theocracy to fascism.

These ideologues may cause some discomfort among party donors in the boardrooms of ExxonMobil and Morgan Stanley, but ultimately, all sides can agree on the general principle of empowering the wealthy and keeping everyone else divided and oppressed.

This doesn't work as a blueprint for the radical left, which has to be built by large numbers of working people in the labor movement and grassroots organizations "speaking with an unquestionably independent political voice," as the AFL-CIO resolution put it.

Instead, we have the worst of both worlds: hundreds of unions and civil rights organizations that have been completely captured by a Democratic Party owned by Silicon Valley, Wall Street and the Pentagon.

Rather than acting as "pressure groups" inside the party, this professional left more closely resembles, as Jane Hamscher once famously put it in the early days of the Obama administration, a "veal pen" that forms a left flank to protect the party from the wrath of their own members.

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OF COURSE, this is precisely the situation that many progressives are hoping can be changed by the wave of Sanders supporters fighting from the inside for the soul of the Democratic Party.

"A striking feature of the current political moment is that many activists on the Left are flocking to the Democratic Party, Frances Fox Piven and Lorraine C. Minnite wrote at In These Times.

"But the Democrats are not merely gaining voters," they continue. "They are gaining activists, people who are committing not only to pull the party lever in the voting booth, but who are determined to rejuvenate and transform the party, beginning at the local level."

It's easy to see why that scenario would be attractive to people. But the hard truth is that an organization which has dominated American politics for as long as the Democrats doesn't allow itself to be "transformed" without a fight--and there aren't many indications so far that the party's left is up for even the kind of battle that would change its current rightward direction, much less really transform the Democrats.

The response of the Sanders wing to the DNC purge, for example, was anything but threatening.

"I'm concerned about the optics, and I'm concerned about the impact," complained James Zogby, one of the purged DNC executive committee members. ""I want to heal the wound of 2016." Zogby voiced similar sentiments on Twitter: "This doesn't bring the party together, it deepens the divide at a time we need all hands on deck."

Not exactly a Bannon-like threat to go to war against the party hacks who sold their souls to corporate interests.

Zogby's comments reflect the larger timidity of the party's left wing to wage any kind of fight that will threaten organizational unity in upcoming elections. Unlike Bannon and the Tea Party before him, Sanders Democrats aren't planning to wage primary challenges against centrist House and Senate incumbents in 2018.

The fear of continued Republican rule in Congress in the Trump era is understandable. But as long as that fear continues to be the primary architect of liberal strategy, Democrats will continue moving rightward, assuming its base will follow.

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THE IDEA that progressives have no choice but to work inside the Democratic Party in order to stop Trump and Bannon rests on the assumption that there's nothing we can do to stop the Republicans outside the halls of Congress.

This might be the biggest problem with the electoral focus of the left: It's taking attention away from the sources of our greatest power.

One professional football player started a protest last year that has revived a discussion of racist police murders and inspired hundreds of other players to engage in workplace protests in defiance of their employer and the president of the United States.

Hundreds of thousands of women have come forward with their stories of sexual abuse, which has not only dramatically changed awareness of the issue, but led to the investigation, suspension and termination of dozens of powerful executives.

These actions offer a glimpse of the social power just of uncoordinated individuals. Imagine how powerful those protests could be if civil rights groups called for millions of us to kneel outside district attorney's offices until cops were arrested for killing Black and Brown people. Or if unions organized a campaign to identify and fire the thousands of managers guilty of sexual harassment every day.

Yes, it's possible for the left to do protests and electoral work at the same time. But they'll only be effective if they flow from a unified strategy, based on an understanding that our greatest power lies outside of a rigged political system.

The fight to get Congress to pass a "clean" DREAM Act, for example, would be greatly strengthened if it was based less on appeals to Democrats and Republicans to do the right thing, and more on the credible threat that there will be widespread and sustained upheaval on many campuses and in workplaces and communities if 800,000 DACA recipients lose their legal status on March 1.

Similarly, we should be clear that the growing support for single-payer health care will only have a chance at becoming law when we've built a powerful movement including patients and health care workers together.

We're, of course, nowhere near that level of struggle. By contrast, engaging in electoral work inside the Democratic Party, particularly at the local level, feels more productive to many progressives at the moment. It's the path of least resistance--but people should ask themselves why that is.

The current popularity of Bernie Sanders and progressive politics shows that for the first time in decades, it's possible to see a future U.S. with a genuine left-wing party, which could have a transformative impact not only here, but around the world.

But that project has to be rooted among people committed to building that alternative not on the Democrats' terms, but on the explosive potential of popular struggle.

Otherwise there’s a very real danger that we will lose a new radical generation to the doomed project of “reshaping” the Democratic Party in much the same way that bunny rabbits reshape a python after they walk through its open jaws: briefly.



































Monday, October 9, 2017

PBS NewsHour Weekend full episode October 8, 2017










https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=smBqz09FZjI





























































The Disturbing History of the Suburbs











https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ETR9qrVS17g




























































How Social Media Ruined Nuance – South Park Season 21 Episode 3 Breakdown










https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9FUiATEJFCo



























































Billionaires To Republicans: What Are We Paying You For?










https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=giD5lxixHT8


























































Have you ever wanted to drop out of capitalism? | Outliers Episode 1











https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=351TKxYg7M4