Friday, July 1, 2016

The Three Harpies are Back!
















Those were the days when Libya (“We came, we saw, he died”) offered to the world a full-blooded humanitarian imperialist spectacle starring Three American Harpies: Hillary Clinton, Samantha Power and Susan Rice, actually four if Hillary’s mentorette and soul mate, Madeleine Albright, was included.

Pop cynics felt tempted at the time to coin those Amazons-in-waiting Brunhilde and the Valkyries. Or at least to qualify perma-smirker Hillary as Attila The Hen.

So let’s kill the suspense. There will be, predictably, a sequel. And it even comes with a somewhat highbrow preview, titled Expanding American Power, published by the Center for a New American Security (CNAS) think tank .CNAS happens to be co-founded – and led – by former Undersecretary of Defense Michele Flournoy, who served in the Obama Administration under Leon Panetta.

Also predictably, CNAS and its combative paper read as a sort of grand PNAC remixed – including some of those same old neocon/neoliberalcon faces; Elliot Abrams, Robert Zoellick, Martin Indyk, Dennis Ross, and of course Flournoy herself, who a Beltway consensus already identifies as the next Pentagon head under a President Clinton.

In this context, Exceptionalistan rules in all its forms – from the juicy defense contractor donor list to the emphasis on NATO on trade via the Trans-pacific Partnership (TPP) and the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). After Brexit though, implementing TTIP will be a tall order – and that’s a mighty understatement.

Pentagon-in-waiting Flournoy was recently quoted as willing to send “more American troops into combat against ISIS and the Assad regime than the Obama administration has been willing to commit.”

Well, not really. She actually responded to the piece, arguing she’s in favor of “increasing U.S. military support to moderate Syrian opposition groups fighting ISIS and the Assad regime, like the Southern Front, not asking U.S. troops to do the fighting in their stead.”

She also argued that the U.S. should “under some circumstances consider using limited military coercion – primarily strikes using standoff weapons – to retaliate against Syrian military targets.” Thus, she adds, “I do NOT advocate putting U.S. combat troops on the ground to take territory from Assad’s forces or remove Assad from power.”

OK. No regime change then. Just “limited military coercion”. And don’t forget the creation of a “no-bomb zone”; as in “if you bomb the folks we support, we will retaliate using standoff means to destroy [Russian] proxy forces, or, in this case, Syrian assets.’” As if the Syrian Arab Army (SAA) – and the Russian Air Force – would just sit there playing poker and waiting for the American bombs.

You will all remember that this is strikingly similar to Hillary Clinton’s own “policy” in Syria – which, semantically, amounted to a “no-fly zone”. In the context of the Syrian theatre of war, “no-fly zone” actually means regime change. No doubt Hillary Clinton has been a keen reader of George Orwell’s Politics and the English Language.

Give’em all hell

So if Flournoy is our Harpy Number Two in the new war series Syria Remixed, she’s obviously in synch with Harpy Number One Hillary. Hillary’s harpy eagle record, even partly summarized, is well known to all; in favor of the bombing and destruction of Iraq; major cheerleader of all things GWOT (Global War on Terror); cheerleader of the Afghan surge; the “no-fly” zone in Syria and more as a means towards regime change; rabid “containment” of Iran even after the nuclear deal struck in Vienna last year; Putin as the new “Hitler”; and the show goes on.

All this, of course, safely ensconced by all those dodgy nations – mostly the petrodollar gang – and companies that donated fortunes to the Clinton Foundation as a prelude to a healthy increase in weapons deals while she was Madam Secretary of State.

So we have Harpies One and Two seeing most of the world as a “threat” (the Pentagon identifies five; Russia, China, North Korea, Iran and “terrorism”, in that order; the Harpies may have add-ons). They identify a slew of core American interests challenged non-stop by these threats. They are enthusiastic cheerleaders of humanitarian imperialism and/or downright regime change. And they want to give hell to strategic rivals China and Russia.

No wonder uber neocon Robert Kagan loves this show with a vengeance, along with a vast neocon/neoliberalcon galaxy spread all over the Beltway. From Libya to Syria to “aid” to the House of Saud in its destruction of Yemen, what’s not to like?

And that brings us to Harpy Number Three; someone who actually worked for Number One in the State Department – and thus to the most terrifying words in the English language in case Number One lands 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue: Secretary of State Victoria Nuland – the neocon stalwart who immortalized “F**k the EU” even before Brexit. She should sue for royalties, but collect in US dollars, not depressed sterling.


The honorary Kaganate of Nulandistan dominatrix, as is well known, has enjoyed a pretty stellar revolving door; foreign policy advisor for Vice-President Dick Cheney; corralled into Obamaland by her protector and boss at Brookings, Strobe Talbott; Number One’s spokesperson at State; and currently Assistant Secretary of State for Europe, in charge of demonizing all things Russian. Let’s face it; get The Three Harpies in the ring, and they body slam those glowing WWF divas to Kingdom Come.

And those 51 warmongers love it

On Orlando, Hillary Clinton was keen to note, “this is the deadliest mass shooting in the history of the United States and it reminds us once more that weapons of war have no place on our streets.” Of course there’s no problem if those “weapons of war”, manned or “advised” by US personnel, kill innocent civilians across what the Pentagon calls MENA (Middle East, Northern Africa).

There is hardly any question that the Three Harpies Remixed – Hillary, Flournoy and Nuland – will get “their” war on Syria, whatever the Orwellian semantics employed. After all 51 warmongering “diplomats” have already endorsed it. And a long time ago, as WikiLeaks revealed, Harpy Number One had already disclosed that “the best way to help Israel deal with Iran’s growing nuclear capability is to help the people of Syria overthrow the regime of Bashar Assad.” Realpolitik may have proved that Iran actually had a negative nuclear capability, but what the hell, regime change remains alive and kicking.

Others, such as the Stanley Kubrickian Dr. Strangelove, sorry, General Philip Breedlove, former NATO supreme commander, are also shopping for a Defense job in a putative Clinton administration. But he’s no match to the Three Harpies dream team. It makes it so much cozier, and family fun, for the Deep State to deploy Full Spectrum Dominance – that Enduring Freedom Forever doctrine – when played by an all-star female cast. They came, they saw, they’ll bomb.


Pepe Escobar is the author of Globalistan: How the Globalized World is Dissolving into Liquid War (Nimble Books, 2007), Red Zone Blues: a snapshot of Baghdad during the surge and Obama does Globalistan (Nimble Books, 2009).  His latest book is Empire of Chaos. He may be reached at pepeasia@yahoo.com.





















I won't be shamed into voting for Clinton













Liberal supporters of the Democrats save their nastiest attacks not for Republicans but for anyone who criticizes them from the left. Khury Petersen-Smith says he's tired of it.
June 30, 2016




Comment: Khury Petersen-Smith




IT'S BEGUN.

They tolerated--barely--the progressive campaign of Bernie Sanders so long as he never came too close to threatening Hillary Clinton's hold on the Democratic presidential nomination. As dismaying as his on-the-mark criticisms of Clinton's Wall Street-connected candidacy might have been, he was at least bringing some enthusiasm to an uninspiring election and a stale Democratic Party.

But now, the managers of the Democratic Party machine and their allies in the mainstream media are speaking with one voice: The party's over.

Those who were excited about Sanders' candidacy--and the notion that the U.S. political system could offer something besides austerity, war and oppression--should be thankful for the memories of a hopeful winter and spring. But now, goes the argument, they need to accept Hillary Clinton as the candidate to support this fall.

We should all take note that it isn't the right wing campaigning against universal health care, free college tuition and student loan debt relief, and other planks of Sanders' social democratic platform as "unrealistic." They're too busy scrambling to manage their own crisis in the form of Donald Trump and his impact on the endlessly pathetic and dysfunctional Republican Party.

It is, instead, the Democrats who are doing their best to dash the hopes and lower the expectations of people who dared to think that U.S. politics might have something to offer to working class people, women, people of color or LGBT people.

HOW WILL they do it? How will the Democratic Party corral a generation that has become aware of and sickened by racist mass incarceration, Wall Street's dictatorship over the U.S. economy and politics, and permanent war--and get them to support a candidate who has devoted her political career to championing those very things?

One tactic has been to get political figures seen--rightly or wrongly--as the most party's most "progressive" faces out front in backing Clinton: Elizabeth Warren, Barack Obama and, yes, Bernie Sanders himself.

But that's not all.

Party leaders and their liberal supporters are cynically using outrage at racism, sexism, homophobia and transphobia, and economic inequality--generated and crystallized by resistance movements, from Occupy Wall Street to Black Lives Matter--to shame progressives and leftists into supporting Clinton.

Liberal commentators have in particular targeted Sanders supporters who, disgusted by the various undemocratic maneuvers used against their candidate and by Clinton's own dismal record, say they can't stomach voting for a candidate who epitomizes everything Sanders' "political revolution" was supposed to be against.

But their insults extend to anyone who challenges Clinton and the Democrats from the left and want something better.


Blow began by recounting an exchange between Sanders supporter Susan Sarandon and MSNBC host Chris Hayes. In the midst of other remarks, Sarandon said that she wasn't sure what she would do in November if Clinton were the Democratic nominee, but that some argue a Trump presidency would be so over the top that it would force a needed revolution.

Blow hit the roof. "The comments smacked of petulance and privilege," he wrote scornfully. "No member of an American minority group--whether ethnic, racial, queer-identified, immigrant, refugee or poor--would (or should) assume the luxury of uttering such a imbecilic phrase, filled with lust for doom."

It was another example of a proven fact about liberalism--Democrats and their media cheerleaders save their deepest contempt not for right wingers, but for those who challenge them from the left.

The idea that the left should hope for a Trump presidency to provoke resistance is wrong. But Sarandon's aside about that prospect wasn't the central thrust of her interview anyway. She spoke for the most part about her opposition to the Trans-Pacific Partnership, militarized police, sexism and discrimination, and the ruin of the working and middle classes by corporate greed--all of which give her strong reasons to oppose Clinton.

Blow conveniently ignored the political points, while baiting Sarandon--and, by extension, other Clinton critics--along the lines of race, sexuality and nationality.

BLOW ISN'T the only one. On the blog Bustle.com, Mari Brighe wrote: "The point is that if you're happy to let a GOP candidate win the presidency because Sanders isn't the Democratic candidate, you're not nearly as progressive as you think you are, and you probably should examine your own social privilege."

Instead of acknowledging the countless actions that Barack Obama's Democratic Party has taken to alienate previously enthusiastic supporters--the record number of deportations and bombing no less than seven countries in the past seven years, to name a couple--Brighe shifts the blame to those who refuse to ignore these injustices.

It turns out that we're the real enemies of the oppressed in this country--because we won't "look past your signs, your ideals, your clever slogans and your movement, and realize that you're standing on our necks," Brighe concluded.

Michael Arceneaux, writing for the Guardian, wheels out another old line to claim that the people most committed to the principles of solidarity with the oppressed, here and abroad, are the problem, not the solution. "Cling to your self-righteousness all you want," Arceneaux writes, "but be very clear that only some people can afford this kind of sacrifice."

So taking action to make Black Lives Matter, building solidarity with Palestine, resisting Wall Street, defending women's right to choose abortion--all fights that Hillary Clinton has, during her career, helped to make necessary--are sideshows compared to our concern for our own egos. Arceneaux lectures us to "do something besides pretending that your lack of vote does anything but suit your own moral superiority at the expense of others."

WHAT THESE writers are doing is taking disgust at Clinton's conservatism and twisting it. They present principled opposition to oppression and inequality as privileged self-indulgence.

But in the face of so many outrages--from legal decisions that blame rape survivors for the actions of their assailants or that further empower already out-of-control police, to the unending destruction of the environment--principled opposition to injustice is something that we need more of, not less.

But the scolders in the service of Hillary Clinton are prepared to demean the awareness raised, for example, by the Ferguson and Baltimore uprisings by trying to harness it for a candidate whose support for the criminalization of African American youth is clear.

These writers are also disregarding what seems to be a greater willingness among progressives and leftists--Black activists in particular--to defy the logic that we have to accept the "lesser evil" to fight the greater evil.

Are they calling Samaria Rice--the mother of Tamir Rice, murdered by the Cleveland police, who has seen nothing but betrayal from politicians--"privileged" because for her refusal to endorse a presidential candidate? Similarly, Michelle Alexander, author of the The New Jim Crow, is hardly speaking from a position of blinding self-involvement when she identifies the Clintons as central architects of mass incarceration and calls for a political alternative.

Those who try to shame us into voting for Clinton avoid the substance of criticism so as to avoid acknowledging her long record of political crimes. Adding to those already mentioned, consider Clinton's call for the detention and deportation of child migrants from Central America in 2014.

Or her personal role in defending and promoting the 2009 coup in Honduras. The coup continues to have catastrophic repercussions in Honduras, including the recent assassination of human rights activist Berta Caceras. Yet Clinton takes pride in her role in in her memoir Tough Choices.

These opinion articles and blog statements that attempt to shame us into supporting a politician we oppose share other features in common. They accept the all-or-nothing, narrow logic of the U.S. elections--the idea that if you aren't actively supporting a Democrat's bid for office, then you're assisting a Republican's victory.

It isn't the fault of ordinary people outraged by injustice that the U.S. electoral system is so undemocratic that it offers such a limited "choice." Perhaps the shamers should examine the hidden-in-plain-sight secret of U.S. "democracy": Most people don't vote. An honest look at that reality would reveal widespread alienation from politicians and from a government that is disinterested in representing the will or interests of regular people.

Instead, the blame is heaped on us. This points to the conservatism of writers like Charles Blow. Behind the shaming of Clinton's critics on the left is an embrace of the status quo.

Thus, in the same column cited above, Blow writes that "there is a vacancy on the Supreme Court. Not only that, but...there were also 84 federal judiciary vacancies with 49 pending nominees. The question of who makes those appointments matters immensely."

Yet when you consider the injustice handed down in the Stanford rape case and the countless acquittals and non-indictments of cops who murdered Black people, the undemocratic and oppressive role that courts play in this country should be questioned.

Instead, Blow points to the justice system as a reason to participate in Election 2016. The idea that we should vote for Clinton in the belief that she might be more likely to appoint justices sympathetic to oppressed groups and social movements is a celebration of an arena where we're powerless.

It's one of many examples where Democrats implore us to vote for our enemy and hope for the best. Don't blame us for refusing to do so.