https://consortiumnews.com/2016/04/08/is-hillary-clinton-qualified/
Exclusive: The question of
“qualifications” is suddenly at the center of the Democratic race with Hillary
Clinton’s backers touting her résumé but ignoring her many failures in job
after job, writes Robert Parry.
By Robert Parry
Former Secretary of State
Hillary Clinton has dismissed Sen. Bernie Sanders questioning her
qualifications to be President as “silly” – and looking at her résumé alone,
she’d be right – but there is also the need to judge her performance in her
various jobs.
What is troubling about
Clinton’s record is that she has left behind a trail strewn with failures and
even catastrophes. Indeed, her highest profile undertakings almost universally
ended in disaster – and a person’s record should matter when voters are
deciding whether to entrust him or her with the most powerful office on earth.
In other words, it’s not
just a question of her holding one prestigious job or another; it’s also
how well she did in those jobs. Otherwise, you have a case of the Peter
Principle Squared, not just letting someone rise to the level of his or her
incompetence, but in Clinton’s case, continuing to get promoted beyond her
level of incompetence.
So, looking behind Clinton’s
résumé is important. After all, she presents herself as the can-do candidate
who will undertake small-scale reforms that may not move the needle much but
are better than nothing and may be all that’s possible given the bitterly
divided Congress.
But is Hillary Clinton
really a can-do leader? Since she burst onto the national scene with her
husband’s presidential election in 1992, she has certainly traveled a lot,
given many speeches and met many national and foreign leaders – which surely
has some value – but it’s hard to identify much in the way of her meaningful
accomplishments.
Clinton’s most notable
undertaking as First Lady was her disastrous health insurance plan that was
concocted with her characteristic secrecy and then was unveiled to decidedly
mixed reviews.
Much of the scheme was
mind-numbing in its complexity and – because of the secrecy – it lacked
sufficient input from Congress where it found few enthusiastic supporters.
Not only did the plan
collapse under its own weight, but it helped take many Democratic members of
Congress with it, as the Republicans reversed a long era of Democratic control
of the House of Representatives in 1994. Because of Hillary Clinton’s
health-care disaster, a chastened Democratic Party largely took the idea of
providing near-universal health-insurance coverage to Americans off the table
for the next 15 years.
In Clinton’s next career as
a senator from New York, her most notable action was to enthusiastically
support President George W. Bush’s Iraq War. Clinton did not just vote to
authorize the war in 2002, she remained a war supporter until 2006 when it
became politically untenable to do so, that is, if she had any hope of winning
the Democratic presidential nomination against anti-war Sen. Barack Obama.
Both in her support for the
war in the early years and her politically expedient switch – along with a
grudging apology for her “mistake” – Clinton showed very little courage.
When she was supporting the
war, the post-9/11 wind was at Bush’s back. So Clinton joined him in riding the
jingoistic wave. By 2006, the American people had turned against the war and
the Republican Party was punished at the polls for it, losing control of
Congress. So it was no profile-in-courage for Clinton to distance herself from
Bush then.
Not Learning Lessons
Still, Clinton seemed to
have learned little about the need to ask probing questions of Bush’s team. In
November 2006, she completely misread Bush’s firing of Defense Secretary Donald
Rumsfeld and replacing him with ex-CIA Director Robert Gates. Serving on the
Senate Armed Services Committee, Clinton bought the conventional wisdom that
Gates’s nomination meant that Bush was winding down the Iraq War despite
warnings that it actually meant the opposite.
If Clinton had done any
digging, she could have discovered that Rumsfeld was dumped not because of his
warmongering but because he backed his field generals – George Casey
and John Abizaid – who wanted to rapidly shrink the U.S. military “footprint”
in Iraq. But Bush and his neocon advisers saw that as effectively an admission
of defeat, so they got rid of Rumsfeld and recruited the more malleable Gates
to front for their planned escalation or “surge.”
Not only did
Consortiumnews.com spell out that reality in real time, but it also was
explained by right-wing pundit Fred Barnes in the neocon Weekly Standard. As
Barnes wrote, Gates “is not the point man for a boarding party of former
national security officials from the elder President Bush’s administration
taking over defense and foreign policy in his son’s administration.
… Rarely has the press gotten a story so wrong.”
Barnes reported instead
that the younger George Bush didn’t consult his father and only picked Gates
after a two-hour face-to-face meeting at which the younger Bush got assurances
that Gates was onboard with the neocon notion of “democracy promotion” in the
Middle East and shared Bush’s goal of victory in Iraq. [The Weekly Standard,
Nov. 27, 2006]
But the mainstream press —
and much of Official Washington — loved the other storyline. A
Newsweek cover pictured a large George H.W. Bush towering over a small George
W. Bush. Embracing this conventional wisdom, Clinton and other Senate Armed
Services Committee members brushed aside the warnings about Gates, both his
troubling history at the CIA and his likely support for a war escalation.
In his 2014 memoir, Duty,
Gates reflects on his 2006 nomination and how completely clueless Official
Washington was. Regarding the conventional wisdom about Bush-41 taking the
reins from Bush-43, Gates wrote about his recruitment by the younger Bush: “It
was clear he had not consulted his father about this possible appointment and
that, contrary to later speculation, Bush 41 had no role in it.”
Regarding the mainstream
news media’s wrongheaded take on his nomination, Gates wrote: “There was a
lot of hilarious commentary about a return to ‘41’s’ team, the president’s
father coming to the rescue, former secretary of state Jim Baker pulling all
the strings behind the scenes, and how I was going to purge the Pentagon of
Rumsfeld’s appointees, ‘clean out the E-Ring’ (the outer corridor of the
Pentagon where most senior Defense civilians have their offices). It was all
complete nonsense.”
Though Gates doesn’t single
out Hillary Clinton for misreading the significance of his nomination, Gates
wrote: “The Democrats were even more enthusiastic, believing my appointment
would somehow hasten the end of the war. … They professed to be enormously
pleased with my nomination and offered their support, I think mainly because
they thought that I, as a member of the Iraq Study Group [which had called for
winding down the war], would embrace their desire to begin withdrawing from
Iraq.”
In other words, Hillary
Clinton got fooled again.
Surging for Surges
Once installed at the
Pentagon, Gates became a central figure in the Iraq War “surge,” which
dispatched 30,000 more U.S. troops to Iraq in 2007. The “surge” saw
casualty figures spike. Nearly 1,000 additional American died along with an
untold number of Iraqis. And despite another conventional wisdom about the
“successful surge” it failed to achieve its central goal of getting the Iraqis
to achieve compromises on their sectarian divisions.
Yet, the mainstream press
didn’t get any closer to the mark in 2008 when it began cheering the Iraq
“surge” as a great success, getting spun by the neocons who noted a gradual
drop in the casualty levels. The media honchos, many of whom supported the
invasion in 2003, ignored that Bush had laid out specific policy goals for
the “surge,” none of which were achieved.
In Duty, Gates reminds
us of those original targets, writing: “Prior to the deployment, clear
benchmarks should be established for the Iraqi government to meet during the
time of the augmentation, from national reconciliation to revenue sharing,
etc.”
Those benchmarks were set
for the Iraqi government to meet, but the goals were never achieved,
either during the “surge” or since then. To this day, Iraq remains a society
bitterly divided along sectarian lines with the out-of-power Sunnis again
sidling up to Al Qaeda-connected extremists and even the Islamic State.
But Clinton didn’t have the
courage or common sense to recognize that the Iraq War “surge” had failed.
After Obama appointed her as Secretary of State – as part of a naïve gesture of
outreach to a “team of rivals” – Clinton fell back in line behind Official
Washington’s new favorite conventional wisdom, the “successful surge.”
In the end, all the Iraq War
“surge” did was buy President Bush and his neocon advisers time to get out of
office before the failure of the Iraq War became obvious to the American
public. Its other primary consequence was to encourage Defense Secretary Gates,
who was kept on by President Obama as a gesture of bipartisanship, to conjure
up another “surge” for Afghanistan.
In that context, in Duty,
Gates recounts a 2009 White House meeting regarding the Afghan War “surge.” He
wrote: “The exchange that followed was remarkable. In strongly supporting the
surge in Afghanistan, Hillary told the president that her opposition to the
surge in Iraq had been political because she was facing him in the Iowa primary
[in 2008]. She went on to say, ‘The Iraq surge worked.’
“The president conceded
vaguely that opposition to the Iraq surge had been political. To hear the two
of them making these admissions, and in front of me, was as surprising as it
was dismaying.” Obama’s aides disputed Gates’s suggestion that the President
indicated that his opposition to the Iraq “surge” was political, noting that he
had always opposed the Iraq War. The Clinton team never challenged Gates’s
account.
In other words, having been
an Iraq War hawk when it mattered – from 2002-06 – Hillary Clinton changed
direction when that was politically expedient, apologizing for her “mistake,”
but then returned to her enthusiasm for the war by accepting the benighted view
that the “surge worked.”
Clinton’s enthusiasm for
“surges” also influenced her to side with Gates and General David Petraeus, a
neocon favorite, to pressure Obama into a “surge” for Afghanistan, sending in
an additional 30,000 troops on a bloody, ill-fated “counterinsurgency” mission.
Again, the cost in American lives was about 1,000 soldiers but their sacrifice
did little to shift the war’s outcome.
Winning Praise
Again and again, Hillary
Clinton seemed incapable of learning from her costly errors – or perhaps she
just understands that the politically safest course is to do what Washington’s
neocon-dominated foreign policy establishment wants done. That way you get hailed
as a serious thinker in the editorial pages of The Washington Post and at the
think-tank conferences.
Virtually all the major
columnists and big-name pundits praised Clinton’s hawkish tendencies as
Secretary of State, from her escalating tensions with Iran to tipping the
balance of the Obama administration’s debate in favor of a “regime change”
mission in Libya to urging direct U.S. military intervention in Syria in
pursuit of another “regime change” there.
On the campaign trail,
Clinton seeks to spin all these militaristic recommendations as somehow
beneficial to the United States. But the reality is quite different.
Regarding Iran, in 2010,
Secretary Clinton personally killed a promising initiative sponsored by
Brazil and Turkey (at President Obama’s request) to get Iran to swap much of
its low-enriched uranium for radiological medical tests. Instead, Clinton
followed the path laid out by Israel and the neocons, ratchet up pressure
on Iran and keep open the “bomb-bomb-bomb Iran” option.
It is noteworthy that the
diplomatic agreement with Iran to restrain its nuclear program and to give up
much of its low-enriched uranium required Clinton’s departure from the State
Department in 2013. I’m told that Obama understood that he needed to get her
out of the way for the diplomacy to work.
But Clinton’s signature
project as Secretary of State was another war of choice, this time the “regime
change” in Libya resulting in the grisly murder of Colonel Muammar Gaddafi in
2011 and the descent of Libya into a failed state beset with terrorism,
including the killing of Ambassador Christopher Stevens and three other U.S.
diplomatic personnel in Benghazi on Sept. 11, 2012, and more recently the
emergence of the Islamic State.
Clinton and her “liberal
interventionist” allies sold the Libyan war as a “responsibility to protect”
mission – or R2P – but the propaganda about Gaddafi’s supposed plans for
“genocide” against the Libyan people was wildly exaggerated and fit with a long
and sorry pattern of U.S. officials deceiving the U.S. public. [For more
details, see Consortiumnews.com’s “Covering
Up Hillary’s Libyan Fiasco.”]
Taking Credit
According to all accounts,
Obama was on the fence about the wisdom of joining European nations in
undertaking the Libyan “regime change” and it was Secretary Clinton who tipped
his decision toward going to war. The U.S. military then provided the crucial
technological infrastructure for the war to go forward. Without the U.S.
involvement, the “regime change” in Libya wouldn’t have happened.
As the conflict raged,
Clinton’s State Department email
exchanges revealed that her aides saw the Libyan war as a chance to
pronounce a “Clinton doctrine,” bragging about how Clinton’s clever use of
“smart power” could get rid of demonized foreign leaders like Gaddafi. But
President Obama seized the spotlight when Gaddafi’s government fell.
But Clinton didn’t miss a
second chance to take credit on Oct. 20, 2011, after militants captured
Gaddafi, sodomized him with a knife and then murdered him. Appearing on a TV
interview, Clinton celebrated
Gaddafi’s demise with the quip, “we came; we saw; he died.”
However, with Gaddafi and
his largely secular regime out of the way, Islamic militants expanded their
power over the country. Many, it turned out, were terrorists, just as Gaddafi
had warned. Some were responsible for killing Ambassador Stevens.
Over the next five years,
Libya – a once prosperous North African country – descended into anarchy
with dozens of armed militias and now three competing governments jockeying for
power. Meanwhile, the Islamic State expanded its territory around the city
of Sirte and engaged in its signature practice of beheading “infidels,”
including a group of Coptic Christians slaughtered on a beach.
Yet, on the campaign trail,
Clinton continues to defend her instigation of the Libyan war, disputing any
comparisons between it and the Iraq War by rejecting any “conflating”
of the two. Yet, the two disasters – while obviously having some differences –
do deserve to be conflated because they have many similarities. Both were wars
of choice justified by false and misleading claims and having terrible
outcomes.
Clinton’s rejection of
“conflating” the two wars has another disturbing element to it, the suggestion
that she is incapable of extracting lessons from one situation and applying
them to another. That inability to analyze, engage in self-criticism, and thus
avoid repeating the same mistakes may indeed be a disqualifying characteristic
for someone seeking the U.S. presidency.
So, is Hillary Clinton
“qualified” to be President of the United States? While her glittering résumé
may say one thing, her record – a litany of misjudgments, miscalculations and
catastrophes – may say something else.
[For information about
Hillary Clinton’s earlier career, see Consortiumnews.com’s “Clinton’s
Experience: Fact and Fantasy.”]
Investigative reporter
Robert Parry broke many of the Iran-Contra stories for The Associated Press and
Newsweek in the 1980s. You can buy his latest book, America’s Stolen Narrative,
either in print
here or as an e-book (from Amazon
and barnesandnoble.com).
