Saturday, March 12, 2016

Filmmaker Josh Fox to Hillary Clinton: Be Real About Fracking and Climate Change






Wednesday, 09 March 2016 00:00 By Mike Ludwig, Truthout | Interview

http://www.truth-out.org/news/item/35146-filmmaker-josh-fox-to-hillary-clinton-be-real-about-fracking-and-climate-change



In the most recent Democratic presidential primary debate, Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders were asked if they support fracking for oil and gas. Clinton answered first, explaining at length that she doesn't support fracking where it has been banned, or where it leads to water contamination and methane leaks. She called for tougher regulation of the industry, and for new rules that would require fracking companies to disclose the chemicals they pump underground.

"So, by the time we get through all of my conditions, I do not think there will be many places in America where fracking will continue to take place," Clinton said.

 Bernie Sanders had a different response.

"My answer is a lot shorter," Sanders said. "No, I don't support fracking."

The statement brought cheers from fracking opponents, who quickly took issue with Clinton's answer. Josh Fox, the director of Gasland, the documentary that helped spark the anti-fracking movement, posted an online rebuttal, pointing out that Clinton's own website states that domestically produced natural gas plays a role in the transition to clean energy.

Fracking facilitated a gas boom during much of the Obama administration, and natural gas production is central to the current president's plan to reduce the nation's climate-warming carbon emissions. Sanders says he would "accelerate" a transition away from fossil fuels, but would anything change under President Hillary Clinton?

[…]
Mike Ludwig: Watching the debates the other night, we got two very different answers from the candidates on fracking. One sounded like "restrict and regulate," and then Bernie just said that he is against fracking. How did you react to those two different answers? 

Josh Fox: I'm just going to say, I can't think of a more perfect answer than what Bernie said. There were three aspects to his answer. The question was, "Do you support fracking?" and he just said, "No." [Laughs] That was pretty much the perfect answer right there, and then he talked about climate change and how important it is to prioritize climate change and have a comprehensive plan to eliminate fossil fuels. Which I thought was incredible. And then, much to my astonishment, Anderson Cooper comes in and he goes, "But what about all these Democratic governors? They say that fracking can be done safely, and they say that it's a boon to their economy. Are they wrong?" And once again, Bernie hits it out of the park. He just says, "Yes, they're wrong." Which is true. 

And normally you don't see that kind level of just, candor, honesty, on the political stage in support of the truth and against wrong ideas. What you heard from Hillary Clinton was exactly the kind of mealymouthed response that you hear from these Democratic governors who are in the pocket of Big Oil and Big Gas. And she was very equivocal in her answers; it's a similar type of thing that we heard from Barack Obama in 2008 when he said: These companies should abide by the Safe Drinking Water Act. But then he didn't do anything to reregulate fracking under the Safe Drinking Water Act.

So, what Hillary Clinton said was four things. She said, I will support a ban wherever there already is a ban. So [that's a signal] to her home state of New York that says, New York banned it, they are the people who are responsible for my political career, I have to acknowledge the fact that this is something they should be able to do. And then she says, number two, that wherever there is methane leakage, fracking should not occur. This is kind of a dumb statement because there is methane leakage everywhere fracking occurs, and anyone who knows anything really about fracking knows that there's methane leakage, not only everywhere fracking occurs, but at every single part of the natural gas system.

So, if you take her words at face value there, it's actually quite amazing because it means you have to phase out natural gas altogether in every application, which is of course what we have to do. When we talk about going 100 percent renewable, it means phasing out natural gas. Because methane leaks out of the fracking wells, out of the transmission lines, out of the delivery systems, out of the compressor stations, out of the power plants and LNG [liquid natural gas] terminals themselves, fracked gas is the worst fuel we can use with respect to global warming and climate change. It's interesting that she pointed that out as the number one issue on her radar about fracking, because this was something that the natural gas industry tried to hide for a very long time, that they were leaking so much raw methane into the atmosphere, that their practices are so sloppy, that their pipelines are so shoddy.

Our major cities are just leaking gas out into the atmosphere. Boston is leaking 4 percent of all gas delivered to Boston; Philadelphia, 3 percent; New York, 2 percent; Washington, DC, 5 percent. When you look at Los Angeles, where they both mined for and delivered the gas, 17 percent. Look at what just happened in Aliso Canyon, where you had this enormous geyser of methane exploding out of the ground. That was the single largest point source of emissions in the world, and this is not just carbon dioxide. This is methane. Methane is 86 times the global warming potential of carbon dioxide. It's a hugely potent greenhouse gas. So to say you have to stop all these leaks, it basically means, "Let's just get rid of this system, because we have to phase it out anyway."

So, does [Hillary Clinton] really mean that? It's hard for me to imagine, when her website has all these points for how to develop natural gas, when her State Department was responsible for promoting fracking all over the world with the Global Shale Gas Initiative, which exported technology and fracking knowledge to 30 countries worldwide.

[Clinton's] third point was about water contamination. She said, "I won't support it where there is water contamination." Well of course, everywhere the industry goes, there is water contamination at huge rates. The well casings crack underground and they leak raw methane, volatile organic compounds, oil, fracking fluids. They leak like crazy under the ground and a very high percentage of leakage gets into aquifers and contaminates groundwater, as well as fracking and the entire oil and gas production cycle leads to surface spills. We had 6,000 spills on the surface of the earth in 2012, which released something like 16 million gallons of oil and gas and wastewater onto the ground. That's a bigger spill, an accumulative effect ... that is bigger than the Exxon Valdez spill.

Then [Clinton said] that the companies have to disclose the chemicals. Well, there is a real mechanism for chemical exposure - it's called the Safe Drinking Water Act. The Safe Drinking Water Act says that, when you inject toxic material under the ground, you have to report to the EPA [Environmental Protection Agency]. So, fracking in 2005 was made exempt from the Safe Drinking Water Act by an act of Congress. Now, it would take an act of Congress to reregulate fracking under the Safe Drinking Water Act. So, that is the kind of thing that would require the political revolution that Bernie is talking about, taking back both houses of Congress, making sure that we have our political leadership campaigning during the midterm election and not sitting it out.

The thing that is most troubling about this is that what [Clinton] said on stage, and what her positions are historically, and what her positions on her own website ... are in contradiction. 

So what does that mean? It either means that she has adopted an entirely new platform on stage at the debate because of the question, and she has to tear down that page on her website and reduce the whole thing so that it reflects what she said on stage that night, or that she actually does not understand or mean the implications of what she did say on the stage. And as, you know, we all have this understanding of Hillary Clinton who is a person who, you know, often says one thing and does another. So my challenge to Hillary is to say: If you think those things that you said on stage are serious, you have to call John Podesta and all the pro-fracking people that you've known and say, we're revising our platform. She could come out and say, because of the science on this question, I don't support this and we have to phase out this fuel right away. 

What I heard from her statement, and you're correct, it is a little bit different from the material she has on her website ...

It's a lot different. It's night and day. 


It reminded me of what has already been the policy of the Obama administration, where actually natural gas production is part of President Obama's plan for tackling climate change. Natural gas power plants are part of his Clean Power Plan, which is currently being contested in court, and so I kind of hear a continuation of that in what Hillary said. I wondered if you want to address this idea among Democrats that natural gas production could be a transition fuel - could be part of a climate change policy. 

You have to understand a little bit about climate change and a lot about American energy policy to really understand this, but it's not that difficult. What Obama's Clean Power Plan does is ... [it] facilitates a transition away from coal. It retires all the old coal. That's a really good thing. Coal ... it's a terrible fuel; it destroys the communities that the coal-fired power plants are in. A lot of minority communities have suffered incredible environmental justice problems with having coal-fired power plants in their communities. We got to get rid of coal.

Unfortunately, however, what the Clean Power Plan does in its current conception, is it facilities a transition from coal not to renewable energy, to wind and solar, which we need, but to gas. Because it creates a ceiling for carbon dioxide that the gas-fired power plants can actually survive, but the problem with the gas is not just carbon dioxide. The problem is all these methane leaks - and that offsets the CO2 savings to such a degree that it actually makes fracked gas a worse fuel, because of the cumulative impacts. To live next to a coal plant and to live next to a natural gas-fired power plant, yes, you would rather live next to a natural gas-fired power plant. However, all the gas pipelines, just as we just discussed about the methane leakage problem, all the pipelines, the compressor stations, the well pads, the fracking process itself, its leaking a huge amount of methane and other chemicals into the atmosphere. So no, you don't want to live next to any of that stuff.

So the question is, can you create a plan that is so stringent that it phases both coal and gas? And that's what Bernie Sanders is saying we should be doing. Bernie Sanders is saying, "I want to make sure that the Clean Power Plan regulations stiffen up about methane so that we transition from coal and gas to renewable energy."

Now, Hillary Clinton's plan, on her website, yes, it sounds a lot like that, [but] here's the big problem. We've already warmed the climate by 1 degree. We have enough carbon dioxide and methane in the air already to warm us by another half of a degree. That CO2 that's already in the atmosphere will continue to warm the earth for the next several decades. So we're already, for all intents and purposes, at 1.5 degrees. At 2 degrees warming, huge climate impacts happen. At 2 degrees warming, we start to engage a process whereby we have five to nine meters of sea level rise. Five to nine meters of sea level rise means New York goes under water, Philadelphia goes under water, Boston goes under water, DC goes under water, Miami, Charleston, I mean, you don't want to get to 2 degrees.

So you basically have to start to ramp down all of carbon and methane emissions sources now. Right now. Which means, we cannot build a whole new generation of fracked gas power plants, but that's exactly what they are proposing. Three hundred new fracked gas power plants all across America are being proposed and being fought off by the local communities there. I'm going to protest one Thursday night in Wawayanda, New York. We fought off a couple of fracked gas power plants last month in Denton, Texas, the birthplace of fracking. These are not just power plants, but they are also the pipelines that serve those power plants. The Constitution pipeline, the AIM pipeline, the NED pipeline, the Pilgrim pipeline, the Tennessee pipeline expansion, the Millennium pipeline. There are pipelines that are cutting people all across this nation to pieces. It's like the Keystone XL fight, times 100.

So, this Clean Power Plan will create need for a hell of a lot more fracking. That's a huge issue. Two million fracking wells is what the industry wants to drill, and you're talking about all these power plants, pipelines, LNG, its another 30 to 40 years of natural gas. Now, what Lester Brown has told us is that we need to reduce emissions by 80 percent by 2020 if we are going to save the Greenland ice sheet, and save a huge amount of that sea level rise. Eighty percent of emissions by 2020 means that you can't build any of those power plants. Period. You've got to go in another direction. That's why Bernie is saying, and Bill McKibben is saying in the Solutions Project, and Mark Jacobson at Stanford and myself and Naomi Klein and all these people are saying, you can't build these power plants. You've got to phase out natural gas and you've got to do it right away. 

I wanted to ask you about your new documentary because it centers on climate change. You know, for our readers and even for the people who work at Truthout, this has been a difficult issue to cover because the situation is getting so dire, and it sounds like there is a personal aspect to this new documentary that addresses that. 

Thank you for mentioning that it's hard to cover because it's so upsetting. It really is. It's not just so upsetting; it's so late in the game. When you really start to learn about climate change, you realize, wow, we really needed to be working on this 20 years ago. And we really needed to be dealing with this, and, you know, Jimmy Carter was dealing with this, he put solar panels on the roof of the White House, but you know, we really needed to ramp this up a long time ago because we are already so far. And a lot of people will say we are at a place where we are going to have a massive, civilization-wide upheaval. Hundreds of millions of climate refugees. Cities going underwater. People not having enough to eat. Extreme weather becoming the norm. Droughts. Floods. Famine. Rate of infectious diseases going up because of warmer climates in tropical regions, tropical diseases spreading out of tropical regions. A vision of kind of hell on earth. When you really study climate change, you have to reconcile yourself with that very bleak picture, and it's really hard. And that's what the movie does. I mean the movie sort of rams into the brick wall of climate change at 100 miles an hour.

I think I walk into the question very similarly to the way I do with Gasland, which is, "oh, here, let's look at this," and you realize very quickly ... that we're talking about being too late. And that's a very difficult thing to deal with. At 2 degrees warming we lose 30 to 50 percent of all the species on the planet, you know, that's a lot of goodbyes. So How to Let Go of the World has a lot to do with letting go of that "save the world" impulse. It has to do with letting go specifically of the world that must change, which is the world of greed and competition.

[…]






Clinton, Cruz, and Trump against Poor People


















Political and economic elites’ success in manufacturing mass ignorance represents the largest impediment to democratic empowerment today. Stoking fear of and contempt for the “other” – including minorities and the poor, is a common tactic employed in election to gain voter support. So is the stoking of hubris – as seen in the demonization of the poor, and in the rhetorical glorification of those “who work” against those (allegedly) “who don’t.” Unfortunately, countless Americans fall victim to divide and conquer techniques employed by elites. The goal moving forward must be to create a critical citizen consciousness, so the masses don’t simply “accept what they’re told” once every four years by the pretty faces running for office. What follows is a primer for readers to help in their conversations with friends, neighbors, acquaintances, and family, to fight back against the racist, classist propaganda so often employed against disadvantaged groups in the U.S.

I focus here on anti-welfare stereotypes promoted by the major candidates this election year. Donald Trump and Ted Cruz, in addition to Hillary Clinton, rely on tired stereotypes, demonizing the poor in their efforts to gut social welfare spending. Clinton’s stereotypes reach back to the 1990s, when she and her husband championed the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA), which eliminated the national government’s Aid to Families with Dependent Children program (a highly successful anti-poverty initiative with roots in the Great Depression). The Clinton’s support for PRWORA was justified via the assumption that the poor were seeking a free ride by gaming the welfare system and refusing to work, compared to most Americans who made their way through hard work and sacrifice.

Cruz and Trump continue Hillary Clinton’s assault on the poor. Cruz attacks the food stamps program (Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, or SNAP) for “trapping millions in long-term dependency,” while Trump alleges that welfare programs create “an incentive” on the part of the poor “not to work.” Trump recycles Romney’s old language from the 2012 presidential race, arguing that “we have a society that sits back and says we’re not going to do anything. And eventually the 50 percent cannot carry, and it’s unfair to them, but cannot carry the other 50 percent.”

I’ve long been frustrated by what passes for “common knowledge” regarding American welfare programs. Many conservatives I know embrace this “knowledge” simply because they’ve been socialized by parents, friends, and political elites to do so, without looking into the actual evidence. Cognitive dissonance is a major problem, with citizens becoming even more entrenched in their beliefs when confronted with evidence that clearly refutes their preexisting prejudices.

The U.S. is historically the least committed of all wealthy countries to taxing and spending on all types of social programs, although one would hardly know this by looking at popular media and political commentary. But what about many of the specific anti-welfare claims that pass for informed discourse in the U.S.?   I tackle them head-on below, showing how most everything political elites tell you about welfare recipients is wrong.

The “people on welfare are Cadillac-driving, lobster-eating cheats” myth.

These claims have been common since the Reagan years. Welfare recipients, we are told, are so good at manipulating the system and have so much money on hand that they can afford to drive Cadillac Escalades and buy steaks and lobster, compared to the average working American, who struggles economically and avoids frivolous extras.

In reality, most poor Americans struggle when it comes to eating well and in securing basic transportation. Regarding food consumption, it is well known that there exists a strong correlation between poverty and obesity in the U.S., with poor Americans having greater difficulty affording healthy foods like fruits and vegetables. By comparison, processed foods, often comprised of government-subsidized corn-based products, are far cheaper and more likely to be consumed by the poor. Consider recent data from the American Journal of Clinical Nutrition, which finds that $1 can purchase 1,200 calories of potato chips or 875 calories of soda, but just 250 calories of vegetables or 170 calories of fresh fruit. Also consider that the poorest American states are among the most obese. As CNN reports, “the five poorest states are also among the 10 fattest, and eight of the 10 poorest states are also among the 10 with the lowest life expectancy.” In the U.S., the average individual in a family of three in the poorest 20 percent of the income distribution receives just $3.33 a day from the SNAP program to pay for food  This miserly subsidy means poor Americans are forced to try and “do more with less,” often turning to low-cost, high-salt, and fatty foods.

Concerning transportation, welfare recipients seldom fit the affluent description of the Cadillac-driving elitist. One shouldn’t be surprised to find some welfare recipients who still drive expensive-looking cars from the days prior to losing their job. Many Americans were fast-tracked from prosperity to the unemployment line following the 2008 economic collapse. In general, however, welfare recipients are significantly less likely to own cars than non-welfare recipients. While only three percent of families not on welfare fail to own a car, the number for those on public assistance is nearly a quarter. The average family on public assistance has one car, whereas the average non-welfare recipient family owns two.

Previous studies find that transportation issues abound among welfare recipients. One Minnesota study, for example, found that 85 percent of state welfare recipients cited transportation as either a “big problem” or “somewhat of a problem” when it came to holding a job. Studies in Illinois and New Jersey found that about a quarter of states residents cited transportation issues as interfering with their ability to work. The numbers were higher in studies from Missouri and Utah, which found that 57 and 55 percent respectively cited transportation as “a barrier to employment.” The reality of work in the United States is that we are a car-centric culture. To exploit job opportunities, one needs money to afford transportation. Many poor Americans experience difficulties in this car culture, either due to an inability to afford a vehicle at all, or difficulty in maintaining aging vehicles.

The “they don’t want to work and have never held a job” myth

Many friends, family, and students I’ve spoken with over the years simply assume that welfare benefits are so generous that those benefitting from these programs don’t have to work. This assumption can be soundly rejected for a number of reasons. First, if one looks at those benefitting from the main state welfare program in the U.S. – Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF) – work requirements are at least 30 hours a week as an individual, or 50 hours a week as a couple, in order to receive benefits. Furthermore, these benefits have a five-year lifetime limit (less in some states). In short, there is no way that TANF recipients can avoid holding a job because of the extremely short-term nature of this program, and due to its built-in work requirements. TANF benefits themselves are quite meager too, ensuring that surviving on them is next to impossible. The average TANF beneficiary in a family of three in the poorest 20 percent of the U.S. income distribution receives an average benefit of $42 a month, hardly enough to afford not to work. The claim that welfare recipients benefit from programs so generous they don’t have to work is silly, naïve propaganda, and supported by none of the available evidence. Two-thirds of TANF recipients are on the program for less than one year, and the average food stamps and Medicaid beneficiaries are on the programs for between one to three years.

The “welfare enables laziness among the poor” myth

Recent statistics on welfare recipients suggest that the vast majority hail from demographic groups that would be expected for obvious reasons to need federal or state assistance. The vast majority of recipients are not able bodied adults who refuse to work. More than 90 percent of welfare recipients fit one of the three following descriptions. They are A. already employed, and have earnings so low that they’re classified as the “working poor” and eligible for public aid; B. disabled, and unable to perform the same physical or occupational tasks as able-bodied or able-minded individuals; or C. elderly, and are on fixed incomes from retirement savings based on 401K benefits, Social Security, and other benefits. The vast majority of these individuals in the third group worked their entire adult lives, so the claim about laziness simply doesn’t hold.

The “they just want to have lots of babies to get more benefits” myth

One of the nastiest myths against welfare recipients is that they have large numbers of children, simply to pump up their benefits so they don’t have to work. Having known many people on welfare (and having been on welfare myself), I have yet to meet someone in my entire life who fits this description. Nonetheless, the repetition of this claim is a near constant among most welfare opponents I know. The average size of a family on welfare is 3.7 people, which is the same for non-welfare families. Looking more closely at family size by income, one sees that there is little evidence of poorer Americans having larger families. The median household size in the U.S. is 2.54 people.

The data suggest that larger family sizes are most common among higher income families, as the three groups with the largest percentage of families of three or more are the very top of the income distribution. Those earning less than $10,000 a year are the fourth largest group with families of three or more, but the three groups with the smallest number of families of three or more people are under the national median family income of $50,000. In summary, the evidence here suggests that most individuals with lower incomes are actually likely to have smaller families than those with higher incomes, and welfare-receiving families are no bigger on average than non-welfare receiving families.

The “welfare benefits are so generous that the poor are now rich” myth

This myth should by all rights be too stupid to even discuss, considering the obvious chasm between the image of the Cadillac driving welfare queen, and the reality of welfare recipients living in poverty. And yet such stereotypes are very common today among many embracing reactionary political values. To provide a much needed corrective on this misinformation, consider the following statistics. 1. The vast majority of families on welfare – 75 percent – are renters, not homeowners. In contrast, more than 75 percent of non-welfare families own their homes. 2. The average income of those in the bottom 20 percent of the income distribution – those most likely to rely on welfare – is quite meager. Their incomes as part of the working poor averaged just $11,490 a year in 2012, according to the U.S. Census Bureau. Their small incomes were supplemented by much needed welfare benefits, although these benefits were also meager. According to the Census Bureau, for families of three in the poorest 20 percent of the income distribution, benefits from the 10 largest welfare programs, including Medicaid, Women and Infant Children, public housing subsidies, food stamps, TANF payments, state child health insurance, the Earned Income Tax credit, the child tax credit, “Obamacare” health insurance subsidies, and the dependent tax exemption, averaged just $9,000 a year, or $3,000 per person. For a family of three in the lowest income quintile, income and welfare transfers combined to an average income of just $20,490 a year. It’s a serious victory for propaganda that a family of three with such a low income could be framed as part of the American elite.

The “people on welfare would rather do drugs than work” myth

This myth should be permanently laid to rest in light of recent data tracking drug use among welfare beneficiaries. When Tennessee instituted mandatory drug testing for welfare recipients, many thought it represented a step toward greater accountability in government. To the contrary, the testing found that drug use among welfare recipients was non-existent, statistically speaking. Just one in 800 people on welfare tested positive for drugs, or .1 percent of total beneficiaries.
Other states, including Arizona, Kansas, Missouri, Mississippi, Oklahoma, and Utah also implement drug testing. The testing in these states reveals that, on average, positive drug tests are found in between .002 percent to 8.4 percent of welfare beneficiaries, despite surveys suggesting that the national drug use rate is 9.4 percent. Conservative officials claimed that drug testing would save states tons of money by kicking countless addicts off the welfare rolls.   But the attempt to demonize welfare recipients as drug addicts is a red herring.

Many Americans will refuse to reconsider their ill-informed hatred of the poor. It is too deeply engrained in their psyche and identity to simply cast aside. But as progressives, we have a responsibility this election season to debunk this nonsense whenever we can, regardless of the source. The stakes are too high for those relying on government aid to be demonized, needlessly, by political elites in pursuit of their own narrow, upper-class agenda.

For interested readers, the data from this article was derived from the following sources:

Arloc Sherman, Robert Greenstein, and Kathy Ruffing, “Contrary to ‘Entitlement Society’ Rhetoric, Over Nine-Tenths of Entitlement Benefits Go to Elderly, Disabled, or Working Households,” Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, February 11, 2012, http://www.cbpp.org/research/contrary-to-entitlement-society-rhetoric-over-nine-tenths-of-entitlement-benefits-go-to

Bryce Covert, “Your Assumptions About Welfare Recipients are Wrong,” Think Progress, December 18, 2013, http://thinkprogress.org/economy/2013/12/18/3081791/welfare-recipient-spending/

 Tax Policy Center, “Household Income Quintiles, 2000-2012,” June 25, 2014, http://www.taxpolicycenter.org/taxfacts/displayafact.cfm?Docid=330

LZ Granderson, “Poor and Fat: The Real Class War,” com, June 8, 2012, http://www.cnn.com/2012/06/05/opinion/granderson-poverty-health/


Pew Research Center, “January 2014 Political Survey,” January 15, 2014, http://www.people-press.org/2014/01/19/january-2014-political-survey/

Bryce Covert and Josh Israel, “What 7 States Discovered After Spending More Than $1 Million Drug Testing Welfare Recipients,” Think Progress, February 26, 2015, http://thinkprogress.org/economy/2015/02/26/3624447/tanf-drug-testing-states/

Heidi Goldberg, “State and County Supported Car Ownership Programs Can Help Low-Income Families Secure and Keep Jobs,” Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, November 28, 2001, http://www.cbpp.org/archives/11-8-01wel.htm

Darlena Cunha, “Why Drug Testing Welfare Recipients is a Waste of Taxpayer Money,” Time Magazine, August 15, 2014, http://time.com/3117361/welfare-recipients-drug-testing/

Arthur Delaney, “How Long Do People Stay on Public Benefits?” Huffington Post, May 29, 2015, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2015/05/29/public-benefits-safety-net_n_7470060.html


Anthony DiMaggio holds a Ph.D. in Political Science from the University of Illinois, Chicago.  He has taught U.S. and global politics at numerous colleges and universities, and written numerous books, including Mass Media, Mass Propaganda (2009), When Media Goes to War (2010), Crashing the Tea Party (2011), and The Rise of the Tea Party (2011).  He can be reached at: anthonydimaggio612@gmail.com