Thursday, March 10, 2016

Clinton Stalls on Goldman Sachs Speeches










https://consortiumnews.com/2016/03/07/clinton-stalls-on-goldman-sachs-speeches/

Exclusive: Hillary Clinton has judged that she can wait out public calls for her to release the transcripts of speeches to Goldman Sachs, which earned her $675,000 in 2013, since she expects to soon wrap up the Democratic presidential nomination, as Chelsea Gilmour describes.

By Chelsea Gilmour

One of Bernie Sander’s standard attack lines against Hillary Clinton has been to call attention to the hundreds of thousands of dollars in paid-speaking fees and donations that Clinton has received from Wall Street during her career, including $675,000 for three paid speeches to Goldman Sachs (at $225,000 a pop) after she left the State Department in 2013.

Sanders has even taken to keeping track of how long it’s been since Clinton vowed to release the transcripts but hasn’t. Clinton now claims that she is being held to a different standard than other candidates and will release the speech transcripts only when others do the same, “if everybody does it, and that includes Republicans.”

Sanders has responded by noting that he has given no paid speeches to Wall Street banks and thus has no such transcripts to release. So, Clinton’s campaign continues to scramble, trying to shield her from the impression that she is too cozy with Wall Street while expecting that she will soon lock up the Democratic presidential nomination and make Sanders’s criticism moot.

The backlash Clinton has received over the three Goldman Sachs speeches and her ties to Wall Street has, however, forced Clinton to confront an issue which has dogged her campaign from the outset: Namely, that she is an Establishment candidate with close personal and political ties to Wall Street and Big Business, which compromises her objectivity and accountability as a candidate “for the people,” rather than for the corporations.

During a debate in New Hampshire, Clinton claimed Sanders’ innuendo amounted to a “very artful smear.” Clinton’s press secretary Brian Fallon called it “character assassination by insinuation,” by implying that Clinton would not be tough on Wall Street because she has financially benefited from them in the past.

So far, Clinton has responded to these criticisms rather unconvincingly.  Under intense pressure to release the transcripts of the Goldman Sachs speeches, she has said she would “look into it,” though the Wall Street Journal has reported that Mrs. Clinton has the sole right to distribute the transcripts, with Politico asserting, “One thing that is clear is that Clinton could release the Goldman transcripts unilaterally if she chose to do so.”

Political Damage

The real danger in releasing the transcripts is the potential political fodder it would provide Clinton’s opponents, who might seek to use the transcripts as proof that Clinton is in the pocket of, not only Goldman Sachs, but Wall Street as a whole.

But the negative insinuations are already there, as Politico related in the story of an unnamed source who attended one of Clinton’s Goldman Sachs speeches in Arizona. The source related the tone and content of Clinton’s speech that day as a “rah-rah speech,” where Clinton came off sounding more like a “Goldman Sachs managing director.”

Politico reported, “‘It was pretty glowing about us,’” one person who watched the event said. “‘It’s so far from what she sounds like as a candidate now.’”

The Wall Street Journal summarized the speeches as such: “She didn’t often talk about the financial crisis, but when she did, she almost always struck an amicable tone, according to these people.

“In some cases, she thanked the audience for what they had done for the country, the people said. One attendee said the warmth with which Mrs. Clinton greeted guests bordered on ‘gushy.’ …

“She spoke sympathetically about the financial industry, according to an attendee. Asked about the poisoned national mood toward Wall Street, Mrs. Clinton didn’t single out bankers or any other group for causing the 2008 financial crisis.”

So far, Clinton seems to have judged that the damage from continuing to hide the transcripts is preferable to the backlash she might experience if she released them.

According to Politico, “The person who saw Clinton’s Arizona remarks to Goldman said they thought there was no chance the campaign would ever release them.

“It would bury her against Sanders,” this person said. “It really makes her look like an ally of the firm.” 

In that case, releasing the transcripts could serve a severe blow to her campaign. Sanders’ campaign would waste no time capitalizing on the opportunity to call-out Clinton as a friend of Wall Street.

Republicans candidates could jump on the attack-train, too, although this would be a bit like the Right holding up a mirror to itself, since every Republican candidate except Trump has been the beneficiary of Wall Street’s financial “generosity.” (And Trump is arguable. Although he may not receive direct donations from Big Banks & Business, he is certainly an “Established” member of that social circle, so there are questions to be raised of political influence.)

Whose Side Are You On?

Regardless, as it becomes clear that this campaign is breaking down to “Establishment” vs. “Anti-Establishment” candidates, Clinton’s ties to her Wall Street and Beltway-Insider past are harming her ability to cultivate broad support amongst a population of voters resentful of Wall Street’s insidious influence over Washington.

So what is Clinton saying about all this? Not much. And what she has said has not diminished suspicions that she would be soft on Wall Street, if elected.

Besides vague promises to “look into releasing” her speech transcripts, Clinton has defended her acceptance of the speaking fees in even vaguer terms. Anderson Cooper pressed her at a town hall meeting in New Hampshire, asking, “But did you have to be paid $675,000 [for three speeches to Goldman Sachs]?” Clinton responded to hearty laughter from the crowd, “Well, I don’t know. That’s what they offered.”

She continued, saying she didn’t feel the fees represent a conflict of interest since she came back to run for public office, because she had not yet committed to running. She said further, “Anybody who knows me, who thinks that they can influence me, name anything they’ve influenced me on, just name one thing. I’m out here every day saying, I’m gonna shut them down, I’m going after them, I’m going to jail them if they should be jailed, I’m going to break them up. I mean, they’re not giving me very much money now, I can tell you that much. Fine with me. I’m proud to have 90 percent of my donations from small donors and 60 percent, the highest ever, from women, which I’m really, really proud of.”

Cooper pushed, “So, just to be clear, that’s not something you regret, those three speeches?”

“No, I don’t, because I don’t feel that I paid any price for it and I’m very clear about what I will do and they’re on notice,” Clinton asserted.

Clinton has pushed back in other ways, too. For instance, during a New Hampshire debate, Clinton called out what she saw as hypocrisy from Sanders’s campaign: “Senator Sanders took about $200,000 from Wall Street firms. Not directly, but through the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee. There was nothing wrong with that. It hasn’t changed his view! Well, it didn’t change my view or my vote either!”

A Flip-Flop

But not everyone is buying it. In an often-cited incident, Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Massachusetts, described in 2004 how Hillary Clinton flip-flopped on a credit-card company-sponsored bankruptcy bill under pressure as a New York Senator.

According to Warren, in the late-1990s, then-President Bill Clinton was pursuing signing into law a bankruptcy bill which had been presented to Congress and written by the credit card companies. President Clinton was eager to sign the bill, in order to further promote his free-trade, neoliberal economic policies.

However, after a meeting between Warren and then-First Lady Hillary Clinton, in which Warren explained how the bill would have disproportionately hurt single mothers, Hillary vowed, “Professor Warren, we’ve got to stop that awful bill.” Indeed, Hillary returned to the White House and convinced the President to veto the bill as one of his last acts in office.

But then, once Hillary became Senator for New York, the bill was reintroduced to Congress and she voted in favor of it. Warren explains, “As Senator Clinton, the pressures are very different. It’s a well-financed industry. A lot of people don’t realize that the industry that gave the most money to Washington over the past few years was not the oil industry, was not pharmaceuticals, it was consumer credit products. Those are the people, the credit card companies, [who] have been giving money and they have influence. … [Hillary Clinton] has taken money from the groups and more to the point, she worries about them as a constituency.”

And what about her claim that 90 percent of her donations come from small donors? According to 24/7 Wall Street, which conducted an investigation into each candidate’s net worth, “While 69% of Sanders’ campaign contributions have come from small individual donations, … only 17% of Clinton’s contributions have come from small individual donations.”
Another interesting development from this hubbub about Clinton’s ties to Wall Street has to do with whom Clinton would appoint as Treasury Secretary, if elected. Sanders’s reference during the Jan. 17 debate to the two Goldman Sachs executives who became Treasury Secretaries may have spurred Clinton to address the issue.

At that debate Sanders said, “Goldman Sachs, paying a five billion dollar fine, gives this country in recent history a Republican Secretary of Treasury, a Democratic Secretary of Treasury.”

Sanders’s comment referenced the appointment of Robert Rubin, former Goldman Sachs executive, to the position of Treasury Secretary by Bill Clinton after Rubin opened doors to Wall Street donors during Clinton’s first Presidential bid.

Rubin was instrumental in crafting “an economic policy — known as Rubinomics — that was applauded by Wall Street but viewed critically by many on the left. When then-first lady Hillary Clinton decided to run for the Senate in New York in 2000, she turned to Rubin and Altman to introduce her to key players on Wall Street,” reported the Washington Post.

Who to Name?

Hillary Clinton addressed the Treasury Secretary issue on “Meet the Press,” saying, “You have to have a Treasury Secretary who understands the economy … I think there are a lot more places where one can and should look for such a Treasury Secretary.”

If Clinton were to make a clear promise not to appoint someone from Wall Street as Treasury Secretary, she could quell some voters’ fears. But to be sure, this was not such a promise. The Treasury Secretary issue may also have been identified by the Clinton campaign as an opportunity to strike back at Sanders for what Clinton perceives as his political naivety.

Bloomberg News reported, “On the show, Clinton said Sanders has been less aggressive than she in pursuing abuses in the financial industry, adding that her rival’s critique of the banking system and its role in the economy is simplistic.”

But there is another issue regarding paid speeches that has yet to be fully addressed by the media, which may prove to be a further thorn in Hillary’s side. That is the question of Bill Clinton and the “two-for-one” aspect of the Clinton’s political machine.

An article by the Wall Street Journal relates how Hillary Clinton, while Secretary of State in 2009, helped Swiss bank USB with its IRS woes. “Total donations by UBS to the Clinton Foundation grew from less than $60,000 through 2008 to a cumulative total of about $600,000 by the end of 2014, according to the foundation and the bank.

“The bank also joined the Clinton Foundation to launch entrepreneurship and inner-city loan programs, through which it lent $32 million. And it paid former president Bill Clinton $1.5 million to participate in a series of question-and-answer sessions with UBS Wealth Management Chief Executive Bob McCann, making UBS his biggest single corporate source of speech income disclosed since he left the White House.”

While this still does not prove a direct link between favors by Hillary and payments received, it further blurs the line of where the Clintons’ political activities stop and their personal ventures start.

Earlier in the campaign, I wrote an article analyzing the sum of Hillary’s paid speeches during the 14-month interim between Clinton leaving the State Department and before announcing her candidacy for President. That interim spanned January 2014 through March 2015, and resulted in Hillary making 53 paid speeches to the tune of $11.8 million dollars in fees, all while it was widely believed that Clinton would run again for President in 2016. That analysis, however, did not include the $675,000 from Goldman Sachs, as those speeches were delivered in 2013, meaning they occurred before the time period for which she was obligated to publicly disclose her income.

Bill Clinton’s Speeches

Further investigation of Hillary Clinton’s financial disclosure form shows at least 16 speeches made by Bill Clinton to banks or other financial service industry companies during that 14-month period.

Besides three speeches to USB Wealth Management totaling $675,000 (the same amount Hillary received for her Goldman speeches, by the way), Bill also gave paid speeches to: Bank of America ($500,000), SCIP Capital Management ($250,000), Deutsche Bank AG ($270,000 + $280,000 to Hillary for her October 7, 2014 speech), Veritas Capital Fund Management ($250,000), Apollo Management Holdings ($250,000), Texas-China Business Council ($265,000), Affiliated Managers Group ($225,000), Experian ($225,000), Insurance Accounting and Systems Association ($225,000), Centerview Partners ($225,000), Jefferies ($225,000), Citadel ($250,000), and Thomas Lloyd Global Assets Management (Schweiz) ($200,000 via satellite).

That means that Bill Clinton was paid $4,035,000 by the financial sector for 16 appearances over the course of 14 months. Keep in mind, those 14 months represent the interregnum between when Hillary Clinton left State Department and before she officially announced her candidacy (but it was widely speculated she would run).

Regardless of whether Hillary believes (or will admit) that her fees from the financial industry have influenced her polices or not, the fact that campaign finance law requires her to disclose her spouse’s income should be a guiding indication of what the rest of us already know: that payments made to one’s spouse or close family members can equally represent a conflict of interest, just as if the candidate had been paid directly.

An incisive article by Walter Russell Mead explains how the Clintons have worked this system to build the first “postmodern political machine.”

“The Clintons stand where money, influence, and celebrity form a nexus. When Hillary Clinton was running the State Department and Bill Clinton was shaking down contributors to the Foundation, the donors knew, or thought they knew, what they were getting. Now that Hillary is running for President, the donors have an even better idea of what good things might come to them — or what problems and complications could develop if they cut the Clintons off.”

Mead calls it “honest graft,” quoting Tammany Hall’s George Washington Plunkett. “The cash comes from donations and speaking fees. When the husband of the Secretary of State or potential next President calls about a special charity project, most people, even if they happen to be CEOs of major companies or senior government officials, take the call. More than that, there will be times when government and corporate officials will reach out and make the call themselves, rather than waiting passively to hear that the Clinton machine has an ask. The donor proposition is rock solid. … What donors buy, or think they are buying, is influence and face time with two of the most powerful people in the world and their political machine[.]”

One parting thought: Goldman Sachs CEO Lloyd Blankfein, from the same Goldman Sachs who paid Hillary $675,000 for three speeches and produced Bill Clinton’s Treasury Secretary, has said Bernie Sanders’ critique of Wall Street “has the potential to be a dangerous moment, not just for Wall Street, not just for the people who are particularly targeted, but for anybody who is a little bit out of line.”

Chelsea Gilmour is assistant editor of Consortiumnews.com.






Tuesday, March 8, 2016

Trump leads GOP field in Michigan; Democratic race close











http://msutoday.msu.edu/news/2016/trump-leads-gop-field-in-michigan-democratic-race-close/

Contact(s): Matt Grossmann , Andy Henion

Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders are basically neck and neck and Donald Trump leads among likely Republican voters in Michigan's March 8 presidential primary, according to a new Michigan State University survey.

Results from the winter State of the State Survey released by the Institute for Public Policy and Social Research show competitive races. With 147 Democratic delegates and 59 Republican delegates, Michigan is the second-biggest prize to date, after Texas.

In the Democratic race, Clinton leads Sanders 51.9 percent to 46.9 percent, which is well within the margin of error. On the GOP side, Trump leads with 36.1 percent, followed by Ted Cruz at 19.5 percent, Marco Rubio at 18.1 percent and John Kasich at 8.9 percent.

"Well-known candidates Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump developed early leads in their primary races. Bernie Sanders has gained ground on Clinton, but the Republican opposition to Trump has yet to consolidate behind a clear alternative," said Matt Grossmann, IPPSR director and political scientist.

The survey, in the field from Jan. 25 to March 3, changed substantially as voters recognized candidates other than Clinton and Trump after early contests in Iowa and New Hampshire. Knowledge of the Sanders and Rubio candidacies grew, but Kasich gained the most in recognition and support.

In the Democratic race, Clinton did best with conservative voters and Sanders resonated with very liberal voters. Clinton also did better among racial minorities, women and older voters. Sanders had strong support among young people.

In the Republican race, Trump did best among talk radio listeners and those without college degrees. Very conservative voters supported Cruz. And Rubio did best among those with positive views of racial and religious minorities.
“Both parties have ideological and social group divisions, but the Democratic candidates’ different demographic coalitions are quite stark,” said Grossmann.

The cell phone and landline telephone survey interviewed 838 Michigan adults. The margin of error is 3.4 percent for the full survey, 5.8 percent among 290 likely Republican voters and 6.1 percent among 262 likely Democratic voters.

The State of the State Survey is a quarterly measure of the attitudes and opinions of Michiganders. It asks questions about consumer confidence, gubernatorial and presidential performance.

"Well-known candidates Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump developed early leads in their primary races. Bernie Sanders has gained ground on Clinton, but the Republican opposition to Trump has yet to consolidate behind a clear alternative," said Matt Grossmann, director of Michigan State University's Institute for Public Policy and Social Research.







Sanders puts Clinton on defensive in Democratic debate












http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-na-democratic-debate-20160306-story.html


Bernie Sanders made clear Sunday night that he is not about to ease up on Hillary Clinton in the interest of Democratic Party harmony — in fact, the Vermont senator seemed to be spoiling for a fight more than ever.

Clinton was repeatedly put on the defensive by her insurgent rival in a debate in Flint, where Sanders challenged her more personally and relentlessly than he has in previous matchups. If Clinton had hoped to use the nationally televised event as an opportunity to hone her attacks against Republican front-runner Donald Trump, Sanders made that impossible. He would not be ignored.

As voters in Michigan prepare to cast ballots in their primary Tuesday, Sanders is looking to make a defiant stand in the Rust Belt, seeing the region as fertile territory for his brand of economic populism and for a comeback in a race in which he is in desperate need of a big upset.

He mocked Clinton’s record on trade and Wall Street, casting her as a late — and opportunistic — convert to progressive economics.

 “Secretary Clinton supported virtually every one of the disastrous trade agreements written by corporate America,” he said, singling out the North American Free Trade Agreement reached by President Clinton’s administration in the 1990s — which, Sanders said, erased “tens of thousands of jobs” in the Midwest.

In contrast, Sanders offered his own early opposition to the proposed Trans-Pacific Partnership under consideration by Congress.

 “I understood that these trade agreements were going to destroy the middle class of this country,” he said. “I led the fight against” them.

Sanders spent much of the evening relitigating the Bill Clinton administration, which could ultimately prove ineffective. Sanders raised a number of landmark Clinton initiatives that liberals in the party continue to resent: NAFTA, welfare reform, the signature 1994 crime bill. But Bill Clinton is very popular with Democratic voters, most of whom remember the 1990s fondly as a period of rising wages and prosperity.

Clinton bridled at Sanders’ repeated attacks on decades-old policies, saying she was looking forward, not backward, and he should be too. But she also offered a spirited defense of her husband’s record, noting the growth in job creation and rise in incomes.

The sparring between the two candidates is growing in intensity as polls show Clinton’s lead narrowing in a state that was once looked at by her supporters as an easy win. Sanders has been spending heavily in Michigan, and he is aiming to bounce off the momentum of weekend victories in Nebraska, Kansas and Maine into an upset.

But even as Sanders wins states, he still trails far behind Clinton in delegates, mostly because the biggest states are the most diverse, and Sanders has had trouble getting traction with minority voters. Clinton, for example, won overwhelmingly in Louisiana over the weekend, which offset the gains Sanders made elsewhere.

At the debate, Clinton forcefully defended her record on trade, saying she voted against the only multinational trade deal that was considered by the Senate during her time there, and touted her comprehensive plan of “carrots and sticks” to revitalize manufacturing in the Rust Belt.

And she hit Sanders hard on an issue that is deeply personal to Michigan voters: the bailout of the auto industry, which he voted against.

“You were either for saving the auto industry or you were against it,” she said. “I voted to save the auto industry. And I am very glad that I did.”

Sanders shot back that his vote was about not bailing out Wall Street.
“If you are talking about the Wall Street bailout, where some of your friends destroyed this economy,” he started to say, before Clinton interrupted, followed by lengthy shouting by both. “Excuse me, I’m talking,” Sanders said.

“Your story is ... voting for every disastrous trade agreement and voting for corporate America,” he said.

In addition to his critique of NAFTA, Sanders steered the discussion back into the 1990s by raising the welfare reform legislation championed by Bill Clinton.

“The poorest people of this country have become much poorer as a result of that,” Sanders said.

Clinton’s rejoinder pointed to the limits of her husband’s power in office.
“Let’s get the facts straight,” Clinton said. “That bill had a lot of provisions that were stripped out by George W. Bush, by Republican governors.”

She said that had it been implemented as her husband hoped, the impact would not have been as harsh. But Clinton also made no apologies.

“If we are going to talk about the 1990s, let’s talk about 23 million new jobs,” she said.

Sanders wasn’t done.

“In the 1990s, you know what we also did?” Sanders said: 
“We deregulated Wall Street, which allowed Wall Street to begin destroying our economy. … 
You are right. A lot of good things happened. But a lot of bad things happened.”

The two more often than not agreed in broad strokes on issues, particularly the water crisis that brought Flint into the national spotlight.

And at times during the exchange, both candidates put down their talking points and spoke in sometimes deeply emotional terms about race and religion.

They were challenged to confront their white privilege and explain blind spots when it comes to race.

“I never had the experience that so many people in this audience had,” Clinton said. “I think it’s incumbent on me … to urge white people to think what it is like to have ‘the talk’ with your kids, scared that your son or even daughter could get in trouble for no good reason and end up dead in a jail.”

Sanders talked about confronting his shock over a black colleague’s inability decades ago to hail a taxi in Washington because the experience was too humiliating, with the cabs driving by him because of his race. And he also spoke about working with activists from Black Lives Matter, who initially were skeptical of him but came to appreciate the effort he put into understanding their perspective.

“When you’re white, you don’t know what it’s like to be living in a ghetto,” he said. “You don’t know what it’s like to be poor; you don’t know what it’s like to be hassled when you walk down the street, or you get dragged out of a car.”

Sanders was asked about disappointment by some Jewish leaders that he tends not to highlight his ethnicity.

“I am very proud to be Jewish, and being Jewish is so much of what I am,” he said. 
“Look, my father’s family was wiped out by Hitler in the Holocaust. I know about what crazy and radical and extremist politics mean.”

And Clinton spoke in detail about the role faith plays in her political life.
“I pray on a pretty regular basis during the day because I need that strength and I need that support,” she said.

Sanders and Clinton also both condemned the poisoning of Flint’s water supply as a “dereliction” of duties by officials. 
Neither would say whether they thought Gov. Rick Snyder or others should go to jail.

But Clinton finally followed Sanders' lead and for the first time joined Sanders in calling for Snyder’s resignation.

She also said the state and federal governments had the money to fix the problem. “The state of Michigan has a rainy-day fund for emergencies,” she said. “What is more important than the health and well-being of the people? It is raining lead in Flint and the state is derelict in not coming forward with the money that is required.”

Despite their disagreements, the candidates noted the tenor of their race was in stark contrast to Republicans seeking their party’s nomination for president. 

Sanders noted that both had called for investing money on mental health. “And when you watch the Republican debates,” he joked, “you know why.”






Democratic debate in Michigan





Hillary Clinton, Bernie Sanders














Hillary gets offensive when she's on the defensive


Bernie Sanders' Revolution is Still Alive