Friday, February 6, 2015

Deconstructing the Theoretical Currents in Middle Eastern* Food





*By which we mean the food of the Levant**, but we said Middle Eastern to draw you in.


**It’s really Lebanese food that we are talking about, but we don’t want to alienate Syrians and Palestinians.



There could be no doubt that Levantine cuisine is the greatest in the world, but few people know that it is the product of centuries of ideological conflict, philosophical debates and conceptual disagreements that have often pitted brother against brother and mother against daughter. Before it crystallised into its current form we all love and enjoy, it went through epochs of internecine struggles that the field of food theory has never witnessed the likes off before or since. Here is the fascinating story of how the beloved tabbouleh acquired its current form and why kibbeh looks like a rugby ball.




Much like any Lebanese meal, it all begins with hummus. If you don’t know what hummus is, it’s a dish made of chickpeas… hang on, if you don’t know what hummus is, what are you doing reading this? At the end of the third millennium BC a revolution in the consumption of chickpeas occurred in Mesopotamia, in the Akkadian empire to be specific. For centuries people were used to eating chickpeas whole, until someone thought to mash them and add some olive oil.



This simple innovation caused huge controversy in Akkadian food circles. Commoners took to the new dish with gusto, and it became very popular in cities like Uruk and Mari. But the aristocracy felt threatened and the clerics in particular despised this attack on the integrity of the spherical chickpea. As the priest Gummar of Ur put it: ‘This barbarous mashing of the perfect chickpea is nothing short of blasphemy’. (From a clay tablet found in Tall Kayf.)



This debate was to rage on for centuries, and the legacy of the anti-hummus camp still survives in the form of the hummus-balila abomination, which is nothing more than chickpeas in a plate with no mashing or chopping involved. But in the triumph of the hummus we see the first serious challenge to the authority of the clerics and the aristocracy in the Middle East. It was to be a victory for commoners against the puritanism and stuffiness of the rulers. (Stuffing food will become a subject of controversy centuries later as we shall see.)


Our second course, if you excuse the pun, is the tabbouleh, the ‘princess of all salads’ as renowned Lebanese al-Nahda thinker Jameel al-Bustani called it. Tabbouleh was crucial to the formation of a new Levantine identity under Ottoman rule, exploiting the Ottomans’ weakness when it came to salads despite their otherwise impeccable culinary achievements. To this day, Turkish salads remain half-hearted attempts at mixing vegetables unconvincingly. But I digress. 





The rise of tabbouleh coincided with the rise of fattoush, but this in fact was no coincidence. The two Levantine salads were the products of two different schools of thought that revolved around the philosophical question of how fine one should chop ingredients in a salad. The nationalist modernisers, intent on social and ethnic integration favoured the tabbouleh as a symbol of social cohesion, whereas rationalists preferred a salad like fattoush in which ‘each ingredient retained its identity.’ (An expression still common among Lebanese politicians until today.)



The conflict raged on for centuries and has not been resolved until today. One of the most difficult questions to answer in a Lebanese restaurant is ‘tabbouleh or fattoush?’ Whichever one chooses, the legacy of the historic conflict is always there. Attempts at reconciliation by ordering both are considered bad form.



However, the major food conflict in the 18th century was sparked off by Napoleon’s campaigns in the Levant. The rationalist emperor was incensed by the locals’ way of serving mezzeh dishes haphazardly with no clear order or sequence. As he wrote in one of his letters to his wife: “sometimes the hummus comes first, sometimes the tabbouleh, and one is lost for he does not know what to expect. I miss you very much.” The chaotic way of serving food as it became ready was an affront to the Emperor’s Enlightenment values, and he thought that his attempt to modernise the Levant had to start with altering this non-linear way of serving food.



Napoleon recruited his chief food theorist Vincent Mangetout to wage his battle against the randomness of mezzeh. Mangetout set out to work, writing a pamphlet lambasting this practice and attributing the backwardness of the people of the Levant to this non-sequential way of serving food. “Much like night follows day, it is the natural order of things to have a definite rhythm. The three-course French meal is the purest representation of this rational order, man stamping his authority on the world through reason and discipline.”



The pamphlet enraged locals from Syria to Lebanon to Palestine. Local circles were formed to organise opposition to Napoleon’s draconian reforms, and civic disobedience followed. Extremists took to eating their dessert first but they were criticised for being unnecessarily dramatic. Amidst the turmoil, a group of Lebanese thinkers influenced by European ideas yet keen to emphasise their own identity, found a compromise. The meal would begin with the mezzeh, but then progress to the main course and later fruits and desserts. As a result, people eating Lebanese food to this day still find that they are too full when the main course, usually grilled meat, arrives, but they are too shy to admit it so they try to force down a few morsels.



And much like any decent Levantine meal, we end with the dessert. It is here that the legacy of the different cultures and peoples that have inhabited the Levant come together in a superb display of mastering the art of satisfying the sweet tooth. But even here the field is not without its own history of controversy. The main conflict is between the epicureans and conservative religious puritans who objected on principle to Arab sweetened pastries as ‘the ultimate form of temptation’.



The leading critic of Arab desserts was the scholar al-Maryouffi who saw Arab pastry as a symbol of the decadence of the royal courts and the subsequent decline of Islamic culture. He also waged a war against the ‘unnecessary euphemisms’ implied by the names of desserts such as znoud el sett (the forearms of the lady), which to his mind clearly indicated their role as instruments of temptation, mixing gluttony with sexual desire.




“The way the layers of pastry crush against the cream filling, oozing the rosewater sugar over one’s tongue… is nothing short of a sin. Many a man of weak-faith says ‘this is heavenly’, adding blasphemy to this excess, this temptation should be resisted by every good believer.” Al-Maryouffi said in a famous text on the subject.



Reformers hit back against al-Maryouffi and his rigid interpretation of religion and the strength of human will. The conflict escalated into a full philosophical confrontation that drew in wide circles of scholars and philosophers, and putting the question of dessert at the heart of the theological battle over human will. The continuing popularity of Arab desserts suggests that the majority of people were convinced by the reformers in a definite philosophical victory.



Al-Maryouffi himself was fond of eating those pastries however, and despite his efforts to conceal his secret indulgence he was spotted by people from the other camp who were quick to denounce his hypocrisy in public. Not one to lose an intellectual argument easily he rebutted their attack, arguing that he only ate pastries because they were a good way to strengthen one’s faith by testing it to its limit. He famously said: “I do not take any earthly pleasure out of this, it is reprehensible. Yumyumyum.”

- See more at: http://www.karlremarks.com/2015/01/deconstructing-theoretical-currents-in.html#more
























13 Questions: About Greece, Europe, Austerity – and Us







by Richard Eskow

http://ourfuture.org/20150205/13-questions-about-greece-europe-austerity-and-us?utm_source=progressive_breakfast&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=pbreak



Every day brings more headlines in the European debt drama: “Greece elects anti-austerity government.” “Greek Finance Minister says he won’t negotiate with the ‘Troika.’” “Anti-austerity movements gain ground across Europe.”


What’s behind these stories? What does the future hold? What, if anything, are the implications for the United States? Here’s an overview of the situation as it currently stands:


1. What is “austerity economics”?


Austerity economics is based on the belief that healthy economies require lower government debt. Wikipedia calls it “a policy of deficit-cutting, lower spending, and a reduction in the amount of benefits and public services provided.”


Public services take a back seat to spending cuts in austerity economics. Privatization is a big part of the package, so government shrinks under an austerity regimen while corporations seize greater control of the economy.


Tax increases may be considered, but only when they’re used to pay down debt. In practice, austerity economics benefits the financial and corporate sectors at the expense of public sector items like education, pensions, medical care, and public transportation.


2. Does it work?


No.


2a. Please elaborate.


Austerity economics has become the governing philosophy of the Eurozone. But studies show that it has made economic conditions worse, not better. It has even increased government deficits, despite the fact that deficit reduction is its raison d'ĂȘtre. (This International Monetary Fund working paper documents some of austerity’s failings.)


A “Devil’s Dictionary” definition of austerity economics might be: the practice of starving a population until it has enough to eat. The Eurozone’s financial leaders have not, however, lost their enthusiasm for it – especially its most influential leaders: the Germans.


3. Who has been most affected by austerity?


Nations like Greece, Spain and Ireland, which suffered grave losses after the 2008 financial crisis, have been forced to borrow money under especially harsh conditions – with special emphasis on government layoffs, privatization and reductions in social services.


The results have been predictably grim. Nevertheless, the Troika has decided to double down on a failed policy.


4. What’s the “Troika”?


That’s the informal term for the three bodies that have been managing debt on behalf of the European Community: the European Central Bank, the European Commission, and the IMF.


The Troika (the word is sometimes capitalized and sometimes not) is responsible for managing Europe’s debt crisis. The name comes from the Russian word for a harness that holds three horses, typically used for pulling long-distance or luxury sleighs.


(Vehicles like that were usually guided by coachmen with whips – which, in Europe’s case, is presumably where the Germans come in.)


5. Why is austerity triggering a political crisis in Europe?


A number of European countries were forced to accept debt relief on terms that are unpopular with their own citizens. That set the stage for clashes between debt authorities and the democratically expressed will of the people.


In some ways this is a uniquely European problem. When multiple nations share the same currency, decisions may be made that are acceptable to the citizens of one (Germany, for example) but not to those of others (e.g. Greece, Spain or Ireland).


6. Do we have a similar problem in the United States?


[…] The United States has a financial elite, too, as we’ve seen since the crisis of 2008. The undue influence of Wall Street bankers (and their campaign contributions) has led to some unpopular and harmful decisions here as well. Here, as in Europe, there is ongoing tension between the democratic process and the power of the financial elite.


That’s why the Senate opposition to placing banker Antonio Weiss in a senior Treasury Department position was so important: bankers already have too much control over economic decision-making in our government.


(Then there’s the complicated matter of the Federal Reserve – a topic for another day.)


7. What is Greece’s new government trying to accomplish?


The Troika has imposed very harsh conditions on the Greek people, and that has made the economy much worse. This is especially unfair given the fact that the Greek people didn’t choose to incur this debt – and they certainly weren’t the bank officers who extended the credit.


The widely respected financial journalist Martin Wolf notes that the enormous sums loaned to Greece “went overwhelmingly not to benefiting Greeks but to avoiding the writedown of bad loans to the Greek government and Greek banks.” Only 11 percent was used to pay for government services.


The Greek government is attempting to reduce the amount of debt it owes. That is not just a fair and reasonable idea: it’s a practical necessity. Finance reporter Mike Bird does a good job of laying out the facts: no government could meet the expectations now placed on that country.


While Greece’s leaders are called ‘radical’ and ‘impractical,’ it is Europe’s financial leaders who are making unrealistic demands. Greece’s leaders are trying to break the impasse. They were initially asking for a “haircut” – reducing the amount owed to creditors – but that has become a politically charged idea. So the Greek Finance Minister has come up with an alternative proposal that essentially does the same thing without forcing the Troika or Germany to back down.


8. Are Greece’s new leaders “radical”?


The leaders of the governing Syriza coalition have been called that, but their economic ideas reflect mainstream thinking of the last 75 years or more, since the heyday of the late John Maynard Keynes. (Keynes died in 1946.)


Some conservative economists of the late 20th century revived and revised older ideas about the infallibility of the free market, but their theories were effectively disproven by the crisis of 2008. Nevertheless, those theories appear to drive the demands now being placed on Greece.


Syriza’s broader platform promised “four pillars of national reconstruction”: “confronting the humanitarian crisis,” “restarting the economy and promoting tax justice,” “regaining employment,” and “transforming the political system to deepen democracy.” These ideals would be considered admirable, and not extreme, by most Europeans (and Americans) of the last 50 years.


If Greece’s leaders appear radical to some, that is partly a matter of style. Many people in the financial world are unaccustomed to having their ideas or demands directly challenged, even when they’re presented in an undemocratic or autocratic fashion. It upset some people, for example, when Syriza economic spokesperson (now Finance Minister) Yanis Varoufakis characterized Germany’s policy toward Greece as “repeated fiscal waterboarding” – but it was a pretty apt description.


Varoufakis has also shown up to meetings as Finance Minister wearing a leather jacket, so there’s that.


9. Why are Greece’s leaders facing such strong resistance – from the Troika, from Germany, and the leaders of some other European nations?


Because the stakes are high – not just for Greece, but for the entire Eurozone. Both sides are in something of a high-stakes faceoff: If Greece’s leaders can’t secure new lending terms they could be forced to choose between a bank collapse, leaving the Eurozone, or reneging on their own promises. None of those choices are attractive.


But the options aren’t good for the Europeans either. A Greek exit from the euro (they’re calling it a “Grexit”) would cast a shadow of doubt over the euro’s viability. Moody’s and other observers have concluded that a “Grexit” would also lead to a recession in Europe.


If the Greeks win major concessions, on the other hand, that will embolden other nations to seek similar deals – which could, in turn, roll back the austerity regime now in place across Europe.


Many of us would see that as a good thing, but the leaders of the Eurozone presumably would not.


10. What other countries have anti-austerity movements?


Spain has a new and growing political coalition called Podemos (“We Can”) that resembles Greece’s Syriza in both structure and platform. Like Syriza, Podemos formed after a public anti-austerity movement held major demonstrations. Polls have shown a major shift in support toward Podemos in recent months, and a Podemos rally in support of Syriza drew 100,000 supporters in Madrid last week.


Portugal, which was rocked by anti-austerity demonstrations in 2012 and 2013, is considered fertile ground for an anti-austerity movement if Syriza succeeds.


Demonstrators turned out in Ireland last week to protest one of that nation’s austerity measures, a new fee for water usage. The fee had symbolic value, since water had been proclaimed a human right by the first president of the Irish Republic. A new political coalition, the Anti-Austerity Alliance, has been formed and has won several by-elections but has yet to face a major electoral test.


Anti-austerity riots erupted across Italy in November of last year. An idiosyncratic political party there, the Five Star Movement, has grown rapidly. It captured a significant number of votes in 2013 legislative elections and in 2014 voting for the European Parliament. The Five Star Movement describes itself as “Euroskeptic” and is presumably sympathetic to coalitions like Syriza and Podemos.


11. Is there a “moral hazard” in all of this?


Sure. When somebody takes a risk and is not forced to take full responsibility for it, financial and insurance experts say that creates a “moral hazard” by rewarding (and therefore encouraging) irresponsible behavior.


Critics of the anti-austerity movement say they’re concerned about the moral hazard that might be created if the Greek (or Spanish, or Irish, or Portuguese) people aren’t forced to pay their debts. But these populations have suffered and sacrificed quite a bit already. At what point is their side of the ledger wiped clean, especially when others incurred these debts on their behalf – and when those debts have primarily been used to rescue bankers?


The Irish people didn’t create the housing bubble that decimated their economy. Nor did they know that, after it burst, the European Central Bank secretly pressured the Irish government to accept a bailout and assume obligation for the funds being given to Irish banks.


The Greek oligarchy is filled with notorious tax evaders, but the Syriza government has promised to crack down on them. And while some of Greece’s creditors have already taken a “haircut,” it is the financial community – not ordinary citizens – that is expected to understand risk and underwrite loans accordingly. As Martin Wolf put it, “creditors have a moral responsibility to lend wisely.”


The lesson? Nobody likes moral hazard – but there is disagreement about where it lies.


12. What will happen in Europe?


A lot of speculators would love to know the answer to that question. The relevant markets have been rocked back and forth (and back again) since Greece’s elections. The Greek government has taken a more conciliatory stance in the last few days by reframing its “haircut” demands in softer terms, agreeing to operate at a surplus going forward, and even offered to backtrack on some of its campaign promises.


But the Greeks are still committed to changing their government’s debt obligations to more closely reflect the democratically expressed will of its people. Perhaps as a result, Germany’s leaders have failed to respond to Greece’s overtures with their characteristic warmth. They’ve even tried to make Greece’s life more difficult.


One suspects it’s all part of the posturing. The Eurozone must still deal with the underlying tension between a single currency and multiple democracies. And it must somehow work to keep Greece in the euro.


Some sort of compromise still seems all but inevitable. Otherwise, as Paul Krugman puts it, the German position is “basically crazy” and “all assertions that Germany understands reality are proved wrong.”


That outcome, however unlikely, remains a possibility.


13. What’s next for the United States?


Here at home, the banking industry is working overtime to roll back the modest regulatory changes contained in the Dodd-Frank financial reform bill. Austerity forces in this country, while less powerful than their European counterparts, have already enacted spending cuts that created significant “fiscal drag.


Wall Street has a number of willing allies on the Democratic side, and the Republican Party seeks its approval with tail-wagging eagerness. It will be hard to change this state of affairs until we reform our system of campaign financing. That means we remain at risk for additional austerity measures.


But there is also a growing populist movement, both inside and outside the political system. Leaders like Sens. Elizabeth Warren, Bernie Sanders and Sherrod Brown are likely to keep resisting Wall Street’s unwholesome influence on our democracy. Even some of the Democratic Party’s key economic “insiders” have moved a little further to the left on matters of government spending and wealth inequality.


With every day that passes, however, it’s less likely that any major banker will be prosecuted for the major acts of fraud committed in their institutions. There’s a lot of moral hazard going around these days.


13a. We’re lucky we don’t have anybody like the Germans pushing austerity in this country.


Oh, but we do. They’re called Republicans.










Wednesday, February 4, 2015