Tuesday, June 10, 2014
Monday, June 9, 2014
What is the Turing test? And are we all doomed now?
The Turing test has been
passed by a robot named Eugene. It may be time to pledge fealty to the machines
http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2014/jun/09/what-is-the-alan-turing-test
Programmers worldwide are
preparing to welcome our new robot overlords, after the University of Reading
reported on Sunday that a computer
had passed the Turing test for the first time.
But what is the test? And
why could it spell doom for us all?
The Turing Test?
Coined by computing pioneer
Alan Turing in 1950, the Turing test was designed to be a rudimentary way
of determining whether or not a computer counts as "intelligent".
The test, as Turing designed
it, is carried out as a sort of imitation game. On one side of a computer
screen sits a human judge, whose job is to chat to some mysterious
interlocutors on the other side. Most of those interlocutors will be humans;
one will be a chatbot, created for the sole purpose of tricking the judge into
thinking that it is the real human.
On Sunday, for the first
time in history, a machine succeeded in that goal.
Or a Turing test?
But it might be better to
say that the chatbot, a Russian-designed programme called Eugene, passed a Turing
test. Alan Turing's 1950 paper laid out the general idea of the test, and also
laid out some specifics which he thought would be passed "in about 50
years' time": each judge has just five minutes to talk to each machine,
and the machines passed if more than 30% of the judges thought that they were
human. Those somewhat arbitrary, if historically faithful, rules were the ones
followed by the University of Reading.
It remains impressive that
Eugene had 33% of the judges "he" spoke to convinced of his humanity,
but the robots still have a long way to go to pass the gold standard of modern
Turing tests, using rules laid out in 1990 by the inventor Hugh Loebner. Those rules call for
the computer and a human to have a 25-minute conversation with each of four
separate judges. The machine only wins if it fools at least half the judges
into thinking it's the human (though every year there is a "bronze
medal" awarded to the machine that convinces the most judges).
The hardest Turing test
described so far is one set up as part of a $20,000 bet between the
futurologist Ray Kurzweil and the Lotus founder, Mitch Kapor. Kapor bet that no
robot would pass the test before 2029, and the rules call for
the challenger and three human foils to have two-hour conversations with each
of three judges. The robot must convince two of the three judges that it is
human, and be ranked as "more human" on average than at least two of
the actual human competitors.
How do the robots win?
Turing test competitions
have been held for more than 20 years, and the strategies the robots employ
have changed over time. Where originally the stumbling blocks were simply
understanding the questions asked by the judges, now the bigger challenge is in
answering them in a human-like manner. In recent years, winners have started
changing the subject, asking questions of the judges, and simulating moods and
typos.
The big breakthrough behind
Eugene, the University of Reading's winner, was in giving the robot the persona
of a 13-year-old boy. "Our main idea was that [Eugene] can claim that he
knows anything, but his age also makes it perfectly reasonable that he doesn't
know everything," said the robot's creator, Vladimir Veselov. It also
makes affectations like misspellings look more plausible than they would coming
from an "adult".
What does a conversation
with Eugene look like?
Here's the transcript of a 2012
conversation with a judge which resulted in them picking Eugene over
the human interlocutor on the other side of the screen:
[16:11:25] Judge: what music
do you like?
[16:11:32] Eugene: I like
Eminem – because he doesn't have a thing to do with
"polite-correctness".
[16:11:46] Judge: OMG i love
eminem, he's my favourite artist!
[16:12:00] Eugene: I wonder
what Eminem's nick mean. I associate it only with a word "enema". But
he is a cool guy, I like his "The Real Slim Shady".
[16:12:55] Judge: i know
what his nick name means, his real name is Marshall Mathers. From the initials
M&M phynetically sounding like Eminem.
[16:13:06] Eugene: Eminem is
a famous crapper. No, raper... ripper... Yeah, I mean - rapper. I like his
"Stan" and "The Real Slim Shady".
[16:13:32] Judge: I like
"Hailies song"
[16:13:46] Eugene:
Interesting tastes. I like science fiction books, by the way. Where do you came
from, by the way? Could you tell me about the place where you live?
[16:14:22] Judge: Epsom,
home of the derby. yourself?
[16:14:27] Eugene: My guinea
pig says that name Derby sounds very nice.
[16:14:41] Judge: i shopuld
talk with him sometime
[16:14:48] Eugene: I think
you should take some typing lessons. Or just type more accurately.
[16:15:04] Judge: that's
very rude?
[16:15:09] Eugene: Ummm...
Frankly, I didn't get your question:-(
[16:15:49] Judge:
"Ummm" isnt a word. i think you need typing lessons
[16:15:58] Eugene: My
thoughts are same. By the way, I still don't know your specialty - or,
possibly, I've missed it?
At the time, Eugene passed
28% of such conversations. Two years on, that extra 5% has made all the
difference.
Is it time to pledge
allegiance to our new robot overlords?
Probably not. For one thing,
winning a competition by pretending to be a child with gaping holes in their
knowledge does not exactly reinforce the idea that machines are something to be
scared of.
But moreover, chatbots are a
fairly limited application of the sort of artificial intelligence which
science-fiction authors have been imagining for decades. By having to pretend
to be human, they are prevented from being more than human.
They still offer new
problems and possibilities for the future, from automatic scambots which carry
out phishing attacks to customer support algorithms that don't need to reveal
that they aren't actually a person.
But really, these machines
say more about us than them. "You don’t write a program, you write a
novel," explain Eugene's creators. "You think up a life for your
character from scratch – starting with childhood – endowing him with opinions,
thoughts, fears, quirks." When the best way to pretend to be human is to imitate
our foibles and weaknesses as much as our strengths, the victors of Turing
tests will continue to be the least scary output of artificial intelligence
research.
Computer simulating 13-year-old boy becomes first to pass Turing test
'Eugene Goostman' fools 33%
of interrogators into thinking it is human, in what is seen as a milestone in
artificial intelligence
http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2014/jun/08/super-computer-simulates-13-year-old-boy-passes-turing-test?CMP=EMCNEWEML6619I2
http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2014/jun/08/super-computer-simulates-13-year-old-boy-passes-turing-test?CMP=EMCNEWEML6619I2
• In 'his own' words: how Eugene fooled the Turing judges
• What is the Turing test? And are we all doomed now?
http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2014/jun/08/super-computer-simulates-13-year-old-boy-passes-turing-test
A "super computer"
has duped humans into thinking it was a 13-year-old boy to become the first
machine to pass the Turing test, experts have said. Five machines were tested
at the Royal Society in
central London to see if they could fool
people into thinking they were humans during text-based conversations.
The test was devised in 1950
by computer science pioneer and second world war codebreaker Alan Turing, who said that if
a machine was indistinguishable from a human, then it was "thinking".
No computer had ever
previously passed the Turing test, which requires 30% of human interrogators to
be duped during a series of five-minute keyboard conversations, organisers from
the University of Reading said.
But "Eugene
Goostman", a computer programme developed to simulate a 13-year-old boy,
managed to convince 33% of the judges that it was human, the university said.
Professor Kevin Warwick,
from the University of Reading, said: "In the field of artificial
intelligence, there is no more iconic and controversial milestone than the
Turing test. It is fitting that such an important landmark has been reached at
the Royal Society in London, the home of British science and the scene of many
great advances in human understanding over the centuries. This milestone will
go down in history as one of the most exciting."
The successful machine was
created by Russian-born Vladimir Veselov, who lives in the United States, and
Ukrainian Eugene Demchenko, who lives in Russia.
Veselov said: "It's a
remarkable achievement for us and we hope it boosts interest in artificial
intelligence and chatbots."
Warwick said there had been
previous claims that the test was passed in similar competitions around the
world. "A true Turing test does not set the questions or topics prior to
the conversations," he said. "We are therefore proud to declare that
Alan Turing's test was passed for the first time."
Warwick said having a
computer with such artificial intelligence had "implications for
society" and would serve as a "wake-up call to cybercrime".
The event on Saturday was
poignant as it took place on the 60th anniversary of the death of Turing, who
laid the foundations of modern computing. During the second
world war, his critical work at Britain's codebreaking centre at Bletchley Park
helped shorten the conflict and save many thousands of lives.
Instead of being hailed a
hero, Turing was persecuted for his homosexuality. After his conviction in 1952
for gross indecency with a 19-year-old Manchester man, he was chemically
castrated. Two years later, he died from cyanide poisoning in an apparent
suicide, though there have been suggestions that his death was an accident.
Last December, after a long
campaign, Turing was given a posthumous royal pardon.
In 2011, at the Techniche
festival in Guwahati, India, an application called Cleverbot took part in a
Turing-type test and was perceived to be human by 59.3% of its interlocutors
(compared with a score of 63.3% human for the average human participant).
However, because the programme draws on a database of real conversations, many
disputed whether it was in fact exhibiting true "intelligence".
Friday, June 6, 2014
The Climate Domino
http://www.nytimes.com/2014/06/06/opinion/krugman-the-climate-domino.html?hp&rref=opinion&_r=2
Paul Krugman, NYT, June 5,
2014
Maybe it’s me, but the
predictable right-wing cries of outrage over the
Environmental Protection Agency’s proposed rules on carbon seem oddly
muted and unfocused. I mean, these are the people who managed to create
national outrage over nonexistent death panels. Now the Obama administration is
doing something that really will impose at least some pain on some people.
Where are the eye-catching fake horror stories?
For what it’s worth,
however, the attacks on the new rules mainly involve the three C’s: conspiracy,
cost and China. That is, right-wingers claim that there isn’t any global
warming, that it’s all a hoax promulgated by thousands of scientists around the
world; that taking action to limit greenhouse gas emissions would devastate the
economy; and that, anyway, U.S. policy can’t accomplish anything because China
will just go on spewing stuff into the atmosphere.
I don’t want to say much
about the conspiracy theorizing, except to point out that any attempt to make
sense of current American politics must take into account this particular
indicator of the Republican Party’s descent into madness. There is, however, a
lot to say about both the cost and China issues.
On cost: It’s reasonable to
argue that new rules aimed at limiting emissions would have some negative
effect on G.D.P. and family incomes. Even that isn’t necessarily true,
especially in a depressed economy, where regulations that require new
investment could end up creating jobs. Still, the odds are that the E.P.A.’s
action, if it goes into effect, will hurt at least a little.
Claims that the effects will
be devastating are, however, not just wrong but inconsistent with what
conservatives claim to believe. Ask right-wingers how the U.S. economy will
cope with limited supplies of raw materials, land, and other resources, and
they respond with great optimism: the magic of the marketplace will lead us to
solutions. But they abruptly lose their faith in market magic when someone
proposes limits on pollution — limits that would largely be imposed in
market-friendly ways like cap-and-trade systems. Suddenly, they insist that
businesses will be unable to adjust, that there are no alternatives to doing
everything energy-related exactly the way we do it now.
That’s not realistic, and
it’s not what careful analysis says. It’s not even what studies paid for by
opponents of climate action say. As I
explained last week, the United States Chamber of Commerce recently
commissioned a report that was intended to show the terrible costs of the
forthcoming E.P.A. policy — a report that made the least favorable assumptions
possible in an attempt to make the costs look bigger. Even so, however, the
numbers came out embarrassingly small. No, cracking down on coal won’t cripple
the U.S. economy.
But what about the
international aspect? At
this point, the United States accounts for only 17 percent of the world’s
carbon dioxide emissions, while China accounts for 27 percent — and China’s
share is rising fast. So it’s true that America, acting alone, can’t save the
planet. We need international cooperation.
That, however, is precisely
why we need the new policy. America can’t expect other countries to take strong
action against emissions while refusing to do anything itself, so the new rules
are needed to get the game going. And it’s fairly certain that action in the
U.S. would lead to corresponding action in Europe and Japan.
That leaves China, and there
have been many cynical declarations over the past few days to the effect that
China will just go ahead and burn any coal that we don’t. And we certainly
don’t want to count on Chinese altruism.
But we don’t have to. China
is enormously dependent on access to advanced-country markets — a lot of the
coal it burns can be attributed, directly or indirectly, to its export business
— and it knows that it would put this access at risk if it refused to play any
role in protecting the planet.
More specifically, if and
when wealthy countries take serious action to limit greenhouse gas emissions,
they’re very likely to start imposing “carbon tariffs” on goods imported from
countries that aren’t taking similar action.Such tariffs
should be legal under existing trade rules — the World Trade
Organization would probably declare that carbon limits are effectively a tax on
consumers, which can be levied on imports as well as domestic production.
Furthermore, trade rules give special consideration to environmental
protection. So China would find itself with strong incentives to start limiting
emissions.
The new carbon policy, then,
is supposed to be the beginning, not the end, a domino that, once pushed over,
should start a chain reaction that leads, finally, to global steps to limit
climate change. Do we know that it will work? Of course not. But it’s vital
that we try.
Piketty and the Pope, and why Marx is back
The criticism of income
inequality that Thomas Piketty exposes in his bestselling “Capital in the 21st
Century” is not very different from Pope Francis’s views on capitalism in his
apostolic exhortation “Evangelii Gaudium” last year.
The Financial Times is trying to demonstrate that the
French economist’s theory is
wrong, and Rush Limbaugh, among other conservatives, has accused both men of Marxism, which for him is synonymous with being wrong, of course. But being labeled a Marxist is not
offensive anymore; it’s simply a sign that Marx has returned from the
remnants of communism to invite academics, activists, and even
clerics to seek in his thought solutions to the ongoing global recession.
Even though Piketty and the
Pope (formerly Cardinal Jorge Mario Bergolio) have denied any interest or faith in Marxism, they will not be forgiven anytime
soon because anyone who points out capitalism’s social flaws pulls a fire alarm
in our state of exception.
The good aspect of this
alarm is that it indirectly gathers together people concerned with such vital
matters as the distribution of wealth, health and education, as demonstrated by UNASUR and the Occupy Movement.
The Pope has called for
redistribution, and Piketty has suggested a way that this can be implemented
through a progressive global tax on capital or wealth. And has also
(indirectly) become the papal economist. In order to explain why the French
economist’s solution is appropriate for the pope’s concerns, let’s quickly
recall both theses.
The most interesting feature
of “Evangelii Gaudium” is not that the Pope calls for a more
equitable distribution of wealth but rather that he makes this call in the
spirit of Gustavo Gutiérrez’s liberation theology.
According to Pope Francis, a “financial
reform” is necessary not only “because the socioeconomic system is
unjust at its root” but also because “today’s economic mechanisms
promote inordinate consumption. “When this unbridled consumerism is combined
with inequality it proves particularly damaging to our society, where the “excluded
are not the ‘exploited’ [anymore] but the outcast, the leftovers.”
As we can see, the Pope is
opposing not just an economic system where exclusion is possible but one where
it has become the norm, that is, the “result of ideologies which defend
the absolute autonomy of the marketplace and financial speculation.” As a
true postmodern philosopher, Pope Francis concludes his observations by
pointing out how far “we are far from the so-called ‘end of history’” because
economic growth, encouraged by a free market, instead of bringing greater
prosperity for all, has increased “widespread corruption and self-serving
tax evasion, which have taken on worldwide dimensions.”
Piketty seems to have
provided both historical and economic justification for the Pope’s concerns
over an “economy of exclusion” and a “financial system which
rules rather than serves.” If capitalism has become such an economic
system it is not simply because of its natural drift toward high inequality,
which the author demonstrates through detailed historical analysis, but also
because capitalism permits the concentration of wealth to perpetuate from one
generation to the next (as the Spanish royal family has just demonstrated).
This occurs when the “rate
of return on capital exceeds the rate of growth of output and income” and“
capitalism automatically generates arbitrary and unsustainable inequalities
that radically undermine the meritocratic values on which democratic societies
are based.” The French economist suggests a “progressive annual tax on
capital” that would contain the “unlimited growth of the global
inequality of wealth, which is currently increasing at a rate that cannot be
sustained in the long run and that ought to worry even the most fervent
champions of self-regulated market.”
If Piketty seems to have
become Francis’s economist, it is not simply because he provides a solution the
Pope would most likely endorse, but also because he has moved away from the
scientific nature of his discipline, that is, economic determinism. After all,
the French economist believes that the “resurgence of inequality after
1980” was not caused simply by capitalism’s inevitable drift towards
inequality but also by “the political shifts of the past several decades,
especially in regard to taxation and finance.” The Pope’s call for a
financial system that “serves instead of rules” is directed against
this political shift, which has always avoided financial reforms such as those
suggested by both men.
Although Piketty will
probably continue to teach economics in France instead of moving into the
Vatican, the Pope now has an economist whom he can rely upon when he
pontificates from Rome, regardless of all accusations of Marxism. These
accusations, then, are not only necessary to bring together economists and the
Holy See but also serve to mark a turning away from capitalism’s acceleration
of inequality for anyone so accused, regardless of our faith or social status.
[...]
Santiago Zabala is ICREA
Research Professor of Philosophy at the University of Barcelona. He is the
author of, among other things, The Hermeneutic Nature of Analytic Philosophy
(2008), The Remains of Being (2009), and, most recently, Hermeneutic
Communism (2011, coauthored with G. Vattimo), all published by Columbia
University Press and translated into several languages. His forthcoming book is
Only Art Can Save Us. He also writes opinion articles for The New York
Times, Al-Jazeera, The Los Angeles Review of Books, and The Guardian.
UNASUR
Written by Alex Main
Thursday, 20 May 2010
Earlier this month, as the
US loudly complained about Venezuela’s decision to
purchase arms from Russia, South America’s ministers of defense came together
in Guayaquil, Ecuador and put the finishing touches on an agreement to develop common mechanisms of
transparency in defense policy and spending. The agreement, which also calls
for the creation of a multilateral Center for Strategic Defense Studies, is the most recent
example of the growing effectiveness of the Union of South American Nations
(Spanish acronym UNASUR) as a forum for addressing the most urgent and
sensitive issues on the regional agenda. Though the group remains unknown to
most of the US public - and is rarely referred to by US policy makers - it has,
in the space of a few years, emerged as one of the Western Hemisphere’s leading
multilateral bodies and, in the process, is rapidly undermining the regional
clout of the Washington-based Organization of American States (OAS).
UNASUR first began to take
form in 2004 when South American leaders signed theCusco Declaration that committed their governments to
creating “a politically, socially, economically, environmentally and
infrastructurally integrated South American area.” Despite the diverging
political agendas of the region’s governments, the leaders agreed on
prioritizing the group’s role as a geopolitical actor or, in the words of the
declaration, pursuing “concerted and coordinated political and diplomatic
efforts that will strengthen the region as a differentiated and dynamic factor
in its foreign relations.”
In May 2008 UNASUR was
officially established with the signing of a constitutive treaty in Brasilia. In September of the
same year the group achieved its first diplomatic milestone when it successfully defused South
America’s most serious political crisis of the last five years: the attempted
violent destabilization of Evo Morales’ government in Bolivia. President
Michele Bachelet of Chile, the pro-tempore president of UNASUR, convened an
emergency meeting of South American heads of state in Santiago that quickly
issued a unanimous statement strongly condemning the attacks against Bolivian
democracy and announcing the creation of a commission of “support and
assistance” to the Bolivian government. Soon afterwards, Bolivia’s opposition
groups abandoned their violent tactics and agreed to enter negotiations with
the Morales government.
Though the US administration
has been actively promoting the OAS as a defender of democratic stability in
the hemisphere, that organization played no role at all in the peaceful
resolution of the 2008 Bolivian crisis, due no doubt in part to the US’ambivalent position towards the opposition’s
destabilization campaign. In the nearly two years that have elapsed since
UNASUR’s successful diplomatic intervention in Bolivia, the group has continued
to demonstrate its ability to take on the region’s thorniest issues, independently
of the OAS and Washington.
[...]
Tiananmen Square, 25 years later
Compared to the Tiananmen
protesters, China’s young today are more concerned with economic growth than
political reforms.
by Adrian Brown
04 Jun 2014
http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2014/06/tiananmen-square-25-years-later-20146372348433611.html
Beijing, China - As a
young reporter, it was hard not to get caught up in the euphoria of the
student-led pro-democracy protests in Beijing that ended in bloodshed 25 years
ago.
"Is this a
revolution?" I asked a group of them in early May 1989. "Yes, why
not?" came the reply in unison. Looking back, I realise my questions were
as naive as their answers. But they really did believe they could bring about
change by daring to stand up to the one-party system that had ruled China for
40 years.
Their demands, on
reflection, seemed quite modest. They included a free press, full disclosure on
how much senior government officials earned, and an end to nepotism, in which
the sons and daughters of party officials received the best jobs.
No one I spoke to
specifically demanded the end of communist rule as such, but just a fairer
society. Of course, in the eyes of China's rulers these demands amounted to
treason. Yet the leadership was deeply divided over how to respond. The nascent
pro-democracy movement seemed to begin almost spontaneously after the death of
pro-reform party leader Hu Yobang on April 15, 1989. He was an iconic figure to
many students who mourned his death by pouring into Tiananmen Square.
And that's where they stayed
until the night of June 3. I arrived in the Chinese capital two weeks later on
an official visa, ostensibly to cover a visit by Mikhail Gorbachev, leader of
what was still the Soviet Union. There were so many students in the square by
then that embarrassed officials were forced to cancel the official welcoming
ceremony. Gorbachev was ushered into the Great Hall of the People through the
back door. Of course, there was a profound irony in all of this. Six months later,
on Gorbachev's watch, the Berlin Wall crumbled - but the Chinese one remained
very much intact.
|
I know very little about
this part of history. One reason is I am not very interested in politics. The
second reason is this event was not mentioned in the history books I read.
- Wang Qian, young job
seeker
|
[...]
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