Saturday, August 11, 2012

Letter from the Syrian Border


An on-the-ground report from the growing Syrian refugee camps in Turkey.



YAYLADAG, Turkey (On the Syrian border)—Yasser Jani huddles in a tiny sliver of shade. He wants to escape from the heat and crowding and an uncertain future. But the small patch of trees just outside the camp for Syrian refugees here didn’t offer one and his face shows it.

“Most of the people here are hopeless,” says the short, middle-aged Syrian, who taught high school science before fleeing last year with his wife, two small children, mother and brother. “They lost their homes, their work, and their money and they don’t know anything about their future,” he said.

“And I feel the same way,” he flatly adds.

As Syria boils, its diaspora lives in disparate worlds of faith and despair, of denial and acceptance, and many places in between. The young bodybuilder whose stomach was plugged with bullets from Syrian soldiers nurtures old dreams while the husband, whose seventh-month pregnant wife was killed as they were fleeing, is frozen in shock.

Daily the specter grows of yet another massive population of uprooted and wounded souls in the Arab world.

Already more than 112,000 refugees are jammed in camps in Turkey, Lebanon, Iraq and Jordan, with thousands more are surviving on their own in these countries. Many more Syrians appear ready to join these ranks and flee their country as the fighting grows fiercer in Syria’s largest cities.

Dr. Moustafa, a Syrian psychiatrist now living in the United Kingdom who would not give his last name, worries about the indelible scars that he says will last long beyond any resolution to the crisis. The only Syrian psychiatrist on hand here, he is forced to flit from camp to camp, dealing with panic-stricken refugees, dispensing medication and trying to measure the depth of the problem.

Yasser Jani is one of those refugees living somewhere between hope and darkness. Despite his frustration about spending the last year in the small, crowded camp, where he complains about the daily inconveniences, he has helped out with classes for young children. It’s all he can do, he adds.

Likewise, Ahmed Hassoun, 56, follows the same daily routine, which gives him meaning in Antakya, a large city in southeastern Turkey, where many Syrians have gathered. A lawyer from Idlib in northwestern Syria, where the fighting has been intense, Hassoun puts on a clean shirt and well-pressed dark pants early in the morning in an almost empty apartment, where he lives with his children, and heads to an office where he works with another 20 Syrian refugee lawyers. His wife stayed behind in Syria.

He gets no pay for his work. None of the lawyers do. But they have gathered daily, meeting with clients and taking careful notes for the last month and a half. Their goal is to produce an accurate and detailed account of the abuses suffered by Syrians under the Assad regime. They hope to turn it over to the International Criminal Court or to a court in Syria when they return, he explains.

They are also working with attorneys within Syria to compile their records.

From the handful of refugees, who visit the office daily to tell their stories or the stories of others who are too ashamed, as is the case for female rape victims, or too overwhelmed to personally recount the events, they have catalogued more than 30 kinds of torture, and at least 1,500 rapes, some of them in groups.

His records show that Syrian torturers use metal and wooden sticks and often electricity on their victims. They also use acid and it is not unusual for victims to die of their burns and wounds, he says.

Soldiers caught escaping, “are executed right away by gun or they slaughter them with knifes,” he says.

As a fellow attorney sitting beside Hassoun coolly recalls seeing someone beaten to death on the street by Syrian soldiers with a rock, Hassoun adds softly, “I feel terrible when I hear these stories.”

Many of the tortures that Hassoun has been recording were suffered by Dr. Mohammed Sheik Ibrahim, 38, a soft-spoken pediatrician, who didn’t want to leave Syria even after eight months in prison.

“They put me in a small cell for 28 days and they interrogated me four times a day for an hour or two each time. Or they would make me stand for hours. They beat me. They used wooden sticks and metal sticks,” he says. “I heard them raping women and girls in the rooms nearby.”

When Ibrahim came home to Latakia from prison, he continued to speak out to his clients, colleagues and anyone else about the regime’s abuses. “I wasn’t afraid,” he explains. Then one day a high-ranking official warned him that his life was in danger. He fled the next day, nearly nine months ago.

Ibrahim has since been working with injured fighters in Turkey from the Free Syrian Army. When thousands of fellow Turkmens from Syria poured across the border recently, driven by aerial attacks, he rushed to the camp that Turkish officials quickly set up for them here in Yayladag.

He is committed, he says, to work with the fighters and follow them into Syria when they launch a large battle. His father has asked him not to go, fearing for his life, but he remains determined to go with the fighters, he says.

He explains that he is a doctor treating one wound after another with no end in sight.

“When I am fixing them (the soldiers), I tell myself that Bashar Assad is the man with the knife and he is the one causing all of these wounds,” he says intensely, moving his arms, and raising his voice.

Like Ibrahim, Dr. Khaula Sawah knows much about the refugees’ medical needs, because she has been organizing the help coming from expatriate Syrians medical experts like herself. The expats arrive here in waves from across Europe, the United States and the Arab world. They stay several weeks and leave. Many return.

Sawah also works on finding medical supplies needed inside of Syria. A clinical pharmacist at a Cincinnati hospital, she has come to southeastern Turkey five times this year so far for this kind of work. This time she brought her two sons along with her.
Born in St. Louis, Sawah moved as a child to Syria with her Syrian-born parents. When her father was put in prison by the government, the family waited 12 years in Syria until he was released.

Now vice-president of the Turkish branch of the Union of Syrian Medical Relief Organizations, Sawah has lately been filling up a small warehouse with medicine and then finding safe ways to smuggle it into Syria.

“The needs are humungous,” she says. “We’ll pitch in $100,000 worth of medicine (in Syria) and it is gone in a few days.”

At the warehouse—the basement of a nearby apartment house in Reyhanli—people are unpacking a new delivery of blood absorbing bandages.  A U.S. manufacturer had donated the supplies, worth nearly $500,000, Sawah says.

From visits to the Turkish-run camps as well as clinics that the Syrian physicians have set up, she is familiar with the refugees’ frustration.

 It’s been especially difficult, she says, for those who didn’t want to live in the camps because of their stark conditions or isolation. As a result, they struck out on their own, renting apartments and often doubling up with other families. In many places, rents doubled with the refugees’ arrival, the refugees say.

“They are all illegal and they don’t have any rights,” she explains. Soon they run out money and then discover that can’t get help at the Turkish hospitals because they are not registered. “I just got a call from a woman who went to the state hospital and said they wouldn’t check up her child.”

But the greatest discontent, she says, is felt by those who have been in the camps the longest. It wells up into squabbles between groups and complaints about conditions. Indeed, there have been three disturbances in refugee camps by Syrians asking for refrigerators, or water and food. Turkish security forces used tear gas and fired bullets into the air to calm an uprising at one camp.

But Sawah has also seen the way the refugees have struggled to accommodate each other and adjust to a future on hold. Some have set up small stores in the camps to earn money and make life more hospitable. And at overcrowded clinics, older patients have given up their beds and slept on the floor to make room for new arrivals.

At the Yayladag camp, where a recent fire took the lives of a newlywed couple who had arrived only a few days earlier, Yasser Jani worries about the young children who he says need more food and clothing, and the teenagers who need a school. He worries too about the women who have to put up with a lack of privacy and other difficulties.

After the fire at the camp, an old factory warehouse minutes from the Syrian border, Turkish officials talked of moving the refugees to another camp. But overcome by the arrival of as many as 1,000 refugees a day and the need to open at least two more camps, the camp here has stayed open.

Privately, Jani worries about not having money and what’s ahead. But on another day in the low 100s, he worries about just catching his breath. Most nights he cannot sleep because of the heat.

“But I’m trying to make my life better,” he adds.

Top Ten differences between White Terrorists and Others



by Juan Cole


1. White terrorists are called “gunmen.” What does that even mean? A person with a gun? Wouldn’t that be, like, everyone in the US? Other terrorists are called, like, “terrorists.”

2. White terrorists are “troubled loners.” Other terrorists are always suspected of being part of a global plot, even when they are obviously troubled loners.

3. Doing a study on the danger of white terrorists at the Department of Homeland Security will get you sidelined by angry white Congressmen. Doing studies on other kinds of terrorists is a guaranteed promotion.

4. The family of a white terrorist is interviewed, weeping as they wonder where he went wrong. The families of other terrorists are almost never interviewed.

5. White terrorists are part of a “fringe.” Other terrorists are apparently mainstream.

6. White terrorists are random events, like tornadoes. Other terrorists are long-running conspiracies.

7. White terrorists are never called “white.” But other terrorists are given ethnic affiliations.

8. Nobody thinks white terrorists are typical of white people. But other terrorists are considered paragons of their societies.

9. White terrorists are alcoholics, addicts or mentally ill. Other terrorists are apparently clean-living and perfectly sane.

10. There is nothing you can do about white terrorists. Gun control won’t stop them. No policy you could make, no government program, could possibly have an impact on them. But hundreds of billions of dollars must be spent on police and on the Department of Defense, and on TSA, which must virtually strip search 60 million people a year, to deal with other terrorists.

Voter ID laws: the Republican ruse to disenfranchise 5 million Americans


Under the guise of fighting nonexistent voter fraud, the GOP is attempting the greatest election-stealing conspiracy in US history

By Alex Slater


In Washington, conventional wisdom is everything. It's the driver of perceptions, and often of self-fulfilling political prophecies. That's why you might notice a guarded confidence amongst the Obama campaign these past few weeks: generally speaking, most realistic experts predict a victory for the president in this November's election.

This perception is reinforced by current polling, some of the most recent being published by Quinnipiac University, the New York Times and CBS News, giving President Obama an edge over Romney in key states like OhioPennsylvania and Florida. Certainly, it will be a tight race, but by any realistic standard, the money is on Obama to pull out a victory, even narrowly.

But it's exactly the likely closeness of the race that may turn Washington's conventional wisdom on its head on election day. That's because, until relatively recently, political experts and journalists have been oblivious to a widespread and pernicious phenomenon occurring in many critical swing states – one that, unless checked, could erase Obama's electoral edge.

This phenomenon takes the form of a spate of new voter laws: efforts by Republican governors and Republican-controlled state legislatures to pass restrictive new voting rules just in time for election day. As a result, at least 5 million Americans could essentially lose their right to vote, according to the non-partisan Brennan Center in New York.

It's no surprise that these laws are almost uniformly designed to disenfranchise young people and minorities – the very demographics that make up part of Obama's base. And 5 million votes flagrantly stolen from the Democrats, especially in the swing states where Obama currently has the edge, could easily spell a Romney victory.

The Republican strategy here is simply too blatant to be believed, hence the relatively muted press coverage on the issue. Indeed, while Republican lawmakers have been busy undermining the basic rights of Americans for months now, it was not until recent weeks that the New York Times and Washington Post started paying attention.

As well they should, because it's no exaggeration to say that the results of these partisan tactics could make the Floridian recount of 2000 look like a minor political spat. We're looking at an election doomsday scenario that could eclipse any political scandal in American history.

Hyperbole? Not when you examine the new laws more closely. The legislation being passed by Republicans across the country takes various forms, all designed to stop likely Obama voters casting ballots.

The most common tactic is to heavily restrict the types of identification required at polling stations. In Pennsylvania, for example, that means requiring all voters to presentvery limited types of ID only available from the state's department of transportation. Since many inner-city voters don't drive, or many young voters have out-of-state driver's licenses, these likely Obama voters will all be stopped dead in their tracks before they reach the polling booth. The problem is so severe that the state of Pennsylvania itself has admitted that nearly 10% of voters do not have the required identification. In Philadelphia, an Obama stronghold, that figure is closer to 20%. Attorney General Eric Holder summed it up perfectly when he called these voter ID measures the equivalent of a "poll tax", at the NAACP summit in July.

In Florida, where history proves that less than 1,000 votes can swing a national election, the efforts to stop minorities and the poor from voting are not just limited to new voter identification laws. In fact, voter registration drives have been banned, and early voting, thought to favor Democrats, has been significantly curtailed. Even more worrying is Governor Rick Scott's attempt simply to remove Obama voters from the election rolls. In May, Scott ordered a purge of his state's voter lists, based on drivers' license records, which he acknowledged to be deeply flawed.

As a result, the state's division of elections initially found a mind-boggling 180,000 "ineligible voters" by performing a search of a computer database with inaccurate information. Yet, the purge goes on: the Miami Herald found that 58% of the people in a sample of 2,700 "ineligible" voters were Hispanic, and 14% were black. Whites and Republicans were least likely to be barred from voting. Even a second world war veteran was told he was not a citizen and so to stay away from the voting booth.

Of course, Republicans justify their efforts to suppress the vote by arguing that they're simply preventing illegal voting. That sounds entirely fair – until you consider that the proven occurrence of voter fraud is almost non-existent. In fact, not a single person has ever been prosecuted for voting illegally. Yet, the public seems ambivalent about voter ID laws, which is why similar dirty tricks continue, taking various forms in other competitive states such as Virginia, New Hampshire, Ohio, Wisconsin and North Carolina.

Luckily, progressive groups and the federal government are pushing back. In Pennsylvania, groups like the Advancement Project and the ACLU have filed suit on behalf of 38 plaintiffs, challenging the constitutionality of the new laws in state courts. The Advancement Project is also intervening in Wisconsin, fighting the fact that 78% of young African-American men lack the appropriate ID to vote, for example. The US department of justice is also intervening in Pennsylvania and other states, questioning whether new laws disproportionately discriminate against minorities. And the Obama campaign is acutely aware of the danger, with dozens of staffers in the campaign headquarters and out in the field monitoring daily developments in every critical state.

These counter-efforts are critical, yet the fear among Democrats is that they may not be sufficient to stop the new laws taking effect before the election. That is a significant danger, not only to the legitimacy of the results of the presidential race, but for the very core of America's democratic process. And, of course, it highlights the need for uniform standards across the country that guarantee free and fair elections.

That's a battle for a later date. For now, we can only hope that voters will get wise to the Republican tactics and make every effort to make their voices heard on 6 November.

The For-Profit College Racket




The for-profit college industry is known to most Americans by its commercials and billboards promising potential students new skills, job training and exciting career paths. The reality is far more sinister, as Senator Tom Harkin’s new report, released last week, reveals.

“In this report, you will find overwhelming documentation of exorbitant tuition, aggressive recruiting practices, abysmal student outcomes, taxpayer dollars spent on marketing and pocketed as profit, and regulatory evasion and manipulation,” Mr. Harkin, an Iowa Democrat who is chairman of the Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee, said in a statement… “These practices are not the exception — they are the norm. They are systemic throughout the industry, with very few individual exceptions.”

According to Harkin’s findings, for-profit colleges take in about $33 billion each year from taxpayers (in the form of student loans), making up 85 to 90 percent of their revenues, yet they spend the large majority of that money on marketing, recruiting and executive salaries – CEOs took home an average of $7.3 million a year. Not surprisingly, this business model fails their students: 54 percent of the students who enrolled in the 30 biggest for-profit schools examined by Harkin in 2008-09 left institutions without a degree.

Looking to maximize profits, these schools target those most likely to receive lots of federal student loans: low-income students, immigrants, students of color and other nontraditional types of students. Perhaps most predatorily, they have sought to enroll veterans of the recent wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. Student loans from the G.I. Bill count as private money, not federal loans, helping for-profits stay below an imposed 90 percent threshold for revenue from the federal government while maximizing profits. It got so bad that earlier this year President Obama penned an executive order to protect U.S. troops from recruiters, saying that these schools are “trying to swindle and hoodwink you.”

Last week, Harkin held a press conference with some colleagues sharing his findings. One of the speakers was a former for-profit college recruiter who described the techniques she used to convince potential students to apply:

“The pain funnel was used to ‘demoralize potential applicants by discussing their life’s shortcomings in order to have them enroll, where their life would improve.’ Such techniques are both ‘predatory’ and ‘very successful,’ she said. Students would enroll with the ‘expectation that if they spend enough money, whether through savings or students loans, their problems would be solved,’ Brozek said. ‘For a large percentage of students who enrolled, this was simply not the case.’”

Another was a former Army captain who denounced the treatment of veterans saying that if hospitals behaved like these schools, their executives would be in jail.

The examples of abuses are shocking. Take this recent story from a report by The Village Voice’s Chris Parker, in which a recruiter from Ashford University encouraged 14-year-old Bobby Ruffin Jr. to enroll for classes without telling his parents and to let the school lie for him on his financial aid forms. Parker writes, “Bobby took online classes for almost a year. …”

“Of course, it’s illegal for kids Bobby’s age to receive financial aid…. But when [Bobby] wouldn’t endorse Ashford [University]’s lying on his financial-aid forms, administrators miraculously discovered that he was under 18. Since this left him ineligible for federal aid, Ashford was forced to return his loan money to the feds. The school wouldn’t be eating those costs. Bobby would. Ashford, which declined interview requests for this story, sent him a bill for $13,000.”

Examples like this abound.

How are for-profit schools getting away with this behavior? The same way most companies get what they want in this country: with millions of dollars in lobbying federal lawmakerspricey lawyers and strategic campaign contributions.

This is an industry that is by and large exploitative to its students and useless to the public good. But business seems to be going just fine – for-profit universities have an average profit margin of 19.7 percent. They just won’t tell you that those profits are coming from our taxes – and at the expense of some of the most vulnerable among us.

The Killer Cola



[…]

Lawsuits were filed in the United States in 2001 and 2006 by the United Steelworkers of America and the International Labor Rights Fund on behalf of SINALTRAINAL, several of its members who were falsely imprisoned and the survivors of Isidro Gil and Adolfo de Jesus Munera, two of its murdered officers. The lawsuits charged Coca-Cola bottlers "contracted with or otherwise directed paramilitary security forces that utilized extreme violence and murdered, tortured, unlawfully detained or otherwise silenced trade union leaders." The lawsuits and campaign were developed to force Coca-Cola to once and for all end further bloodshed, compensate victims and provide safe working conditions.
The Campaign called for the main judge, Joseph E. Martinez, who presided over the original lawsuits against The Coca-Cola Co. and its Colombian bottlers in Federal District Court in Miami, Florida, to recuse himself because of serious conflicts of interest and statements he made about the case. (Read "Talking Points" 3 on Martinez)

Coca-Cola, which is virulently anti-union, claims that any allegations that its bottlers in Colombia are involved in the systematic intimidation, kidnapping, torture, and murder of union leaders are false. Yet the company has fought every effort to have an independent investigation into these allegations while at the same time has misled the public and its own shareholders with a long string of lies and bogus investigations. (Read "Talking Points" 4 on bogus investigations)


Guatemala

On February 25, 2010, another human rights abuse lawsuit against Coca-Cola was filed in the Supreme Court of the State of New York and later moved to federal district court. "This case involves a campaign of violence - including rape, murder, and attempted murder - against trade unionists and their families at the behest of the management of Coca-Cola bottling and processing plants in Guatemala."

It should be noted what happened in the '70s and '80s in Guatemala City: According to "Soft Drink, Hard Labor" published by the Latin America Bureau (UK) in 1987, "For nine years the 450 workers at the Coca-Cola bottling plant in Guatemala City fought a battle for their jobs, their trade union and their lives. Three times they occupied the plant — on the last occasion for 13 months. Three General Secretaries of their union were murdered and five other workers killed. Four more were kidnapped and have disappeared. Against all the odds they survived."


Turkey

In Turkey, in 2005, 105 workers at a Coca-Cola bottling plant in Istanbul joined a union and were terminated. They organized a lengthy sit-down strike in front of the main offices of Coca-Cola in Turkey. After several weeks of protesting, Coca-Cola workers entered the building to demand their reinstatement. While leaders of the workers were meeting with senior management for the company, the company ordered Turkish riot police to attack the workers who were by all accounts peacefully assembled, many with their spouses and children. Nearly two hundred of them were beaten badly and many required hospitalization. Lawsuits are pending.

Read more about Coca-Cola's crimes in Turkey.

China

In China: Based on undercover investigations at several Coke plants, Chinese press reported in December 2008 that Coke employees are "involved in the most dangerous, intense and tiresome labor, work the longest hours, but receive the lowest wages and face arrears and even cutbacks in their pay." One investigator claimed that Coke violated Chinese labor laws and reported that workers "often worked 12 hours per day for an entire month without a single day off."

In a report, "Violence in Coca-Cola's Labor Subcontracting System in China," it was revealed:

"On the 12 August 2009, a labor dispatch company hired by Coca-Cola's designated Hangzhou-based bottling plant was discovered to have threatened two university student-workers who asked for their own and their two other fellow workers' back pay upon their resignation. Xiao Liang, 24, was beaten up by two managers at the labor dispatch company's office, resulting in serious wounds over his left eye, left hand, and right ear. Xiao Xu sent Xiao Liang to the Dongfang Hospital immediately after police arrived on the scene. Xiao Liang was later diagnosed with a ruptured eardrum, resulting in compromised hearing capacity..."

Two years earlier, BBC News (5/21/07) reported that Coca-Cola has been accused of benefiting from prison labor in China.

Read more about Coca-Cola's crimes in China.

Mexico

Mexico, the country with the highest per capita consumption of Coca-Cola, is a huge profit center for Coke to the detriment of the health of millions of children and adults who suffer an inordinate rate of obesity, diabetes and other serious maladies. Dr. Ann Lopez, author and environmental science Professor, Ph.D. at San Jose City College in California, and Director of the Center for Farmworker Families states:

"The people of west central Mexico are easy corporate prey for predator Coke. You can't stand anywhere in some of the rural towns and not see a Coke ad. I've seen what Coke is doing in the west central Mexico countryside where I do research: pushing their addictive products on peasant populations who can ill afford them and in which one in 10 may have undiagnosed diabetes."

To control the soft drinks market in Mexico, Coca-Cola has shown repeatedly it will break the law. The Angel Alvarado Agüero case, currently in the Mexican courts, describes how this former marketing executive of Coca-Cola was unjustifiably dismissed when he refused to carry out illegal monopolistic marketing practices as directed by the Company. This case also highlights how The Coca-Cola Co. is cheating Mexican workers out of hundreds of millions of dollars in profit sharing and other benefits and shortchanging the Mexican government out of millions of dollars in tax revenues.

Investigative reporter Beverly Bell pointed out that "...more than 12 million people do not have access to potable water in Mexico." She explains how then-Mexican President Vicente Fox, who prior to his election in 2000 was president of Coca-Cola in Mexico and Latin America, "...with help from the World Bank-has successfully pursued water privatization, as well as a massive land privatization program, that allowed companies free access to all the resources on the land, including water."

Bell wrote in 2006, "Since 2000 [while Fox was president], Coca-Cola has negotiated 27 water concessions from the Mexican government. Nineteen of the concessions are for the extraction of water from aquifers and from 15 different rivers, some of which belong to indigenous peoples. Eight concessions are for the right of Coke to dump its industrial waste into public waters."

Read more about Coca-Cola's crimes in Mexico.

El Salvador

In addition to abuse of workers, Coke has been involved in the exploitation of children by benefiting from hazardous child labor in sugar cane fields in El Salvador. This was first documented by Human Rights Watch in 2004 and in footage taken in 2007 for a nationally-televised British documentary and highlighted in Mark Thomas's book "Belching Out the Devil: Global Adventures with Coca-Cola," published in 2009 in the U.S.

Representatives of the International Labor Organization interviewed company representatives at Colombian Coca-Cola bottling plants in 2008 to ascertain whether they exercised any control of suppliers of raw materials (such as sugar) to ensure that they did not use child labor. The manager at the Coke plant in Cali said that their suppliers should not use child labor, but added "that the enterprise [Coca-Cola] did not yet exercise oversight over this issue."


India

Of the 200 countries where Coca-Cola is sold, India reportedly has the fastest-growing market, but the adverse environmental impacts of its operations there have subjected The Coca-Cola Co. and its local bottlers to a firestorm of criticism and protest. There has been a growing outcry against Coca-Cola's production practices throughout India, which are draining out vast amounts of public groundwater and turning farming communities into virtual deserts. Suicide rates among Indian farmers whose livelihoods are being destroyed are growing at an alarming rate. Every day for years there has been some form of protest, from large demonstrations to small vigils, against Coca-Cola's abuses in India.

One target of protest has been the Coca-Cola bottling plant in Plachimada, Kerala, which has remained shut down since March 2004 as a result of the community-led campaign in Plachimada challenging Coca-Cola's abuse of water resources.

The International Environmental Law Research Centre issued a report in 2007 that stated, in part, "The deterioration of groundwater in quality and quantity and the consequential public health problems and the destruction of the agricultural economy are the main problems identified in Plachimada. The activity of The Coca Cola Company has caused or contributed a great deal to these problems...The availability of good quality water for drinking purposes and agriculture has been affected dangerously due to the activity of the Company. Apart from that, the Company had also polluted the agricultural lands by depositing the hazardous wastes. All these points to the gross violation of the basic human rights, that is, the right to life, right to livelihood and the violation of the pollution control laws."

In 2009, the government of Kerala set up the High Power Committee to Assess the Extent of Damages Caused by the Coca-Cola Plant at Plachimada, India, which "recommended that Coca-Cola be held liable for Indian Rupees 216 crore (US$ 48 million) for damages caused as a result of the company's bottling operations in Plachimada."

Read more about Coca-Cola's crimes in India.

Read On...
[…]
When people see Coca-Cola ads, they should think of crimes and misconduct on a worldwide scale so unthinkable that all of Coke's products become undrinkable!
To read more about the abuses in various countries, go to "Coke's Crimes (By Country)" in our main menu. We would appreciate any additional information regarding Coca-Cola abuses that we can use to further document Coke's crimes throughout the world. We can be contacted at info@KillerCoke.org or (718) 852-2808.

America’s 10 Largest Corporations Paid 9 Percent Average Tax Rate Last Year


By Travis Waldron


America’s 10 most profitable corporations paid an average corporate income tax rate of just 9 percent in 2011, according to a study from financial site NerdWallet reported by the Huffington Post. The 10 companies include Wall Street banks like Wells Fargo and JP Morgan Chase, oil companies like ExxonMobil and Chevron, and tech companies like Apple, IBM, and Microsoft.

The two companies with the lowest tax rates were both oil companies. ExxonMobil paid $1.5 billion in taxes on $73.3 billion in earnings, a tax rate of 2 percent. Chevron’s tax rate was just 4 percent. None of the companies paid anywhere near the 35 percent top corporate tax rate, providing more evidence to debunk claims that America’s corporate tax rate is stunting economic growth and job creation (Despite the high marginal rate, American corporations pay one of the lowest effective corporate tax rates in the world).

The study also calculated the overall amount the companies owed in both domestic and foreign taxes. This includes deferred taxes that will, theoretically, be paid in the future, once the companies bring foreign profits back to the United States. Apple, for instance, avoided $2.4 billion in American taxes last year by utilizing offshore tax havens.

If Republicans have their way, however, those deferred taxes may never be paid. Switching to a territorial tax system, a policy leading Republicans have considered, would allow corporations to repatriate foreign profits back to the United States nearly free of taxation, costing the country billions of dollars and thousands of jobs.

Friday, August 10, 2012