Wednesday, August 1, 2012
Harry Reid: Mitt Romney didn’t pay taxes for 10 years
By Ed O'Keefe
Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) claimed
Tuesday in an interview that Republican presidential candidate Mitt Romney refuses
to release additional tax returns because he didn’t pay taxes for 10 years.
The interview, published Tuesday by The Huffington Post,
includes several swipes by the Senate leader at the GOP candidate.
“His poor father must be so embarrassed about his son,” Reid
said in reference to George Romney’s decision to turn over 12 years of tax
returns when he ran for president in 1968.
Reid suggested that Romney’s decision to withhold tax information
would bar him from ever earning Senate confirmation to a Cabinet post. Then,
Reid recalled a phone call his office received about a month ago from “a person
who had invested with Bain Capital,” according to The Huffington Post.
Reid said the person told him: “Harry, he didn’t pay any
taxes for 10 years.”
“He didn’t pay taxes for 10 years! Now, do I know that
that’s true? Well, I’m not certain,” Reid told HuffPo. “But obviously he can’t
release those tax returns. How would it look?”
Neither Reid nor his aides would identify the alleged
investor, HuffPo reported.
The Romney campaign has previously denied rumors that Romney
hasn’t paid taxes in a single year and he recently told ABC News that he couldn’t recall if
there were years when he paid below the 13.9 percent tax rate that he paid in
2010.
In that ABC interview, Romney said he would be “happy to go
back and look” at his tax records, but his campaign aides haven’t replied to
several requests to clarify the former Massachusetts governor’s comments.
As for Reid’s assessment of the state of Senate races, he
told HuffPo that “We feel comfortable in the Senate,” but said the growing
influence of independent political groups could tip the balance of power toward
the Republicans.
“Where the problem is, is this: Because of the Citizens
United decision, Karl Rove and the Republicans are looking forward to a
breakfast the day after the election,” Reid said. “They are going to assemble
17 angry old white men for breakfast, some of them will slobber in their food,
some will have scrambled eggs, some will have oatmeal, their teeth are gone.
But these 17 angry old white men will say, ‘Hey, we just bought America. Wasn’t
so bad. We still have a whole lot of money left.’”
The Year of Dreaming Dangerously
Slavoj Zizek. Verso (Norton, dist.), $14.95 trade paper
(128p) ISBN 978-1-78168-042-1
Renegade philosopher and cultural critic Zizek (Living in
the End Times) again attempts to goad us from our comfortable political
positions and rethink the philosophical and social meaning of 2011’s major
protest movements—including the Arab Spring and Occupy Wall Street. Drawing
heavily on Marx and Hegel, Zizek probes the nature of these movements as they
seek to fight the system of antagonistic capitalism without contributing to its
enhanced functioning. For example, those involved in Occupy Wall Street, he
observes, are “reacting to a system in the process of gradually destroying
itself” as they wake “from a dream that has turned into a nightmare.”
Similarly, despite the democratic elections forced by the Arab Spring, such
protest movements have not flourished, and the cultural landscape is eerily
bleak for the moment. Zizek argues that subterranean dissatisfaction still
exists. We should view such movements as “limited, distorted (sometimes even
perverted) fragments of a utopian future” whose greater potential flickers in
and out of dormancy. Zizek’s staccato prose is often maddening as it jumps
quickly from idea to idea, often repetitiously, without offering us a pause to
ponder, but he’s as provocative as ever, forcing us to confront contentious
matters head-on without flinching. (Oct.)
Monday, July 30, 2012
"Unless you think I'm a fool."
US Justice Scalia steps up criticism of healthcare ruling
WASHINGTON (Reuters) - Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia
on Sunday renewed his criticism of Chief Justice John Roberts' reasoning in
upholding President Barack Obama's 2010 healthcare law and also said the
Constitution undoubtedly permits some gun control.
The 76-year-old Scalia - a leading conservative on the court
who has served as a justice since 1986 - also was asked whether he would time
his retirement in order to let a conservative future president appoint a
like-minded jurist.
"I don't know. I haven't decided when to retire,"
Scalia told the "Fox News Sunday" program. "... My wife doesn't
want me hanging around the house - I know that."
"Of course, I would not like to be replaced by someone
who immediately sets about undoing everything that I've tried to do for 25
years, 26 years, sure. I mean, I shouldn't have to tell you that. Unless you
think I'm a fool."
Roberts, also a conservative, sided with the nine-member
court's four liberals in upholding the constitutionality of Obama's healthcare
law, considered the Democratic president's signature domestic policy
achievement.
Scalia joined in a sharply worded dissent on the day of the
June 28 ruling and added to his criticism on Sunday.
A central provision of the law is the "individual
mandate" that most Americans obtain health insurance by 2014 or pay a
penalty. The ruling found that this penalty "may reasonably be
characterized as a tax" and thus would be constitutionally permissible
under the power of Congress to impose taxes.
"There is no way to regard this penalty as a tax. ...
In order to save the constitutionality, you cannot give the text a meaning it
will not bear," Scalia said.
"You don't interpret a penalty to be a pig. It can't be
a pig."
Supreme Court justices rarely give media interviews. Scalia
is making the rounds to promote "Reading Law: The Interpretation of Legal
Texts," a new book he co-wrote.
Scalia brushed off Obama's comments aimed at the court
regarding the healthcare law and a campaign finance ruling.
"What can he do to me? Or to any of us?" Scalia
said. "We have life tenure and we have it precisely so that we will not be
influenced by politics, by threats from anybody."
He was asked "why you push people's buttons every once
in a while." Scalia said, "It's fun to push the buttons."
GUN CONTROL
Scalia wrote the high court's 2008 ruling that a ban on
handguns in the U.S. capital violated the right to bear arms enshrined in the
Constitution's Second Amendment.
In light of the July 20 massacre in which a gunman killed 12
moviegoers in Colorado,
Scalia was asked whether legislatures could ban the sale of
semiautomatic weapons.
He said the 2008 ruling stated that future cases will
determine "what limitations upon the right to bear arms are permissible.
Some undoubtedly are."
Scalia - a proponent of the idea that the Constitution must
be interpreted using the meaning of its text at the time it was written - cited
"a tort called affrighting" that existed when the Second Amendment
was drafted in the 18th century making it a misdemeanor to carry "a really
horrible weapon just to scare people like a head ax."
"So yes, there are some limitations that can be
imposed," he said. "I mean, obviously, the amendment does not apply
to arms that cannot be hand-carried. It's to 'keep and bear' (arms). So, it
doesn't apply to cannons. But I suppose there are handheld rocket launchers
that can bring down airplanes that will have to be ... decided."
Regarding the death penalty, Scalia said opponents want it
struck under the ban on cruel and unusual punishment included in the Eighth
Amendment of the Constitution.
"But it's absolutely clear that the American people
never voted to proscribe the death penalty," he said. "They adopted a
cruel and unusual punishment clause at the time when every state had the death
penalty and every state continued to have it. Nobody thought that the Eighth
Amendment prohibited it."
Scalia also took issue with decades-old Supreme Court
precedent, saying the Constitution does not provide Americans with a right to
privacy, despite a landmark 1965 ruling finding that it does. That ruling
helped pave the way for the court's 1973 ruling legalizing abortion.
"There is no right to privacy - no generalized right to
privacy," Scalia said. "No one ever thought that the American people
ever voted to prohibit limitations on abortion. I mean, there is nothing in the
Constitution that says that."
Scalia also was asked about his past criticism of rulings by
Supreme Court colleagues in which he called them "folly" and
"sheer applesauce."
"I don't know that I'm cantankerous," he said.
"I express myself vividly."
(Reporting by Will Dunham; Editing by Bill Trott)
Happiness is the Betrayal of Desire
Tim Lott: You've got to fight for your right to frown
Our writer is sceptical about those who find it easy to be
happy
By Tim Lott
One of my favourite quotes comes from the philosopher Slavoj
Zizek, who, when asked what he found most depressing about the world, answered
"the happiness of stupid people".
It is so much easier to be cheerful when you are a
slack-jawed nitwit. This is something that was not mentioned in the publicity
around last week's first publication by the Office for National Statistics of
the happiness survey.
When I try to visualise happy faces at random, the images my
brain comes up with – Alan Titchmarsh, Jeremy Clarkson, Sarah Palin, Cliff
Richard, or, worst of all, Nigel Farage – are unappealing as role models.
But smart, creative people aren't going to figure because
they tend to suffer a disproportionate amount of unhappiness. Bruce
Springsteen, who revealed last week that he was suicidal at the height of his
success in the 1980s, is just one of the endless examples.
One research finding after another has demonstrated that
happy people have a less accurate view of reality than depressed people. All
this leads me to an uncomfortable conclusion for happiness academics – being
happy is not the most important thing in life.
A re-statement of stoic principles is overdue. My father's
generation did not expect to be happy. It was the last thing on their minds.
They simply wanted to muddle through, and if happiness came, then they
considered themselves lucky. This attitude saved them the daily pain of
disappointed hopes.
The trouble is that we have followed the American path of
thinking that happiness is not only a practical goal but a moral imperative.
People who are unhappy are perceived as dangerous failures. So-called
"negative" people are to be shunned, as if they carried a dangerous,
transmutable virus.
I have a face like a collapsed cabbage when I am in a bad
mood and people in the street are inclined to ask me – no, tell me – to cheer
up. I resist the temptation to tell them I have a week to live or to punch them
on the nose.
What I really want to ask them is what gives them the right
to decide how I should or shouldn't feel? I would like to be happy all the
time, of course. But it would be inhuman.
There has been a spate of literature that suggests that it
is the happy people who are the sick ones. Eric G Wilson's Against Happiness:
In Praise of Melancholy points out how "generative melancholy" can be
a hugely creative force. Barbara Ehrenreich's Smile or Die is a counterblast
against American "positive thinking", the idea that every disaster or
setback is an "opportunity" for "moving on".
But the world is run not by realistic melancholic
introverts, but fantasising, optimistic extroverts – politicians, for instance,
and bankers. This is good, to an extent. We need people who can believe in
success against all the odds – believe that anything can be possible, believe that
change can come, believe that they can make huge unearned profits.
But we need pessimists too. Sadness should not be taboo – it
should be respected, like the priest and the funeral director. We treat it like
the embarrassing guest at the wedding, we want it to shut up and go away, but
it is in all our hearts and so it should be. Life is brief, life is fatal, and
it is packed with small losses as well as small joys.
Springsteen would never score highly on the national
happiness index. Neither would I, or most of the people I admire. I like happy
people, and I like to be around them. But don't disown the frown. Without it
we'd be – well, American. Or, even worse, Nigel Farage.
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