"This is why the key feature of contemporary capitalism is not only the hegemony, but also the (relative) autonomy of financial capital: it may seem like the banks are just engaging in speculation, shuffling numbers here and there, and nobody is exploited, since exploitation happens in "real" production. But why did we have to give billions of dollars to the banks in 2008 and 2009? Because, without a functioning banking system, the entire (capitalist) economy collapses. Banks should thus also count as privatized commons: insofar as private banks control the flow of investments and thus represent, for individual companies, the universal dimension of social capital, their profit is really a rent we pay for their role as universal mediator. This is why state or other forms of social control over banks and collective capital in general (like pension funds) are crucial in taking a first step towards the social control of commons. Apropos the reproach that such control is economically inefficient, we should recall not only those cases in which social control was very effective (this was, for example, how Malaysia avoided crisis in the late 1990s), but also the obvious fact that the 2008 financial crisis was triggered precisely by the failure of the banking system."
--Less Than Nothing, p. 247
Friday, July 20, 2012
The Conscience of a Liberal
Paul Krugman
JULY 17, 2012, 6:18 PM
Finance Capitalism
One more point about this whole business of "attacking
capitalism": to the extent that Obama is attacking anything other than
Mitt Romney, he's questioning a system in which the financial sector has grown
to an unprecedented
share of the economy (pdf):
[…]
So we're hearing a lot of people -- including some alleged
progressives -- declaring that you can't criticize the way we've run
our economy for the past 30 years. Why not? The metastasizing finance sector
eventually led us into the worst economic catastrophe since the Great
Depression; that seems reason enough to question the model.
And bear in mind that Mitt Romney has pledged to repeal
financial reform. It seems to me that in the wake of the global financial
crisis, that -- not Obama's very mild reformism -- is the radical position.
Thursday, July 19, 2012
Presentations by Mladen Dolar and Slavoj Žižek
European University at St Petersburg
http://www.eu.spb.ru/en/index/news/4912-presentationmladendolarslavojiek
Department of Political Science and Sociology and Chair
of Democratic Theory present presentations by Mladen Dolar and Slavoj
Žižek in which scientists will share their reflections on the current
science and society and will discuss them with the leading Russian critical
intellectuals
August 22
17.00—19.00 Mladen Dolar (University of Ljubljana, Slovenia;
Van Eyck Academy, Netherlands): WHAT, IF ANYTHING, IS AN ATOM
20.00 – Screening of a film by the art-group “Chto Delat”,
“The Russian Forest”.
August 23
16.00–19.00 – Slavoj Žižek (Birckbeck University, UK,
Society for Theoretical psychoanalysis, Ljubljana, Slovenia): WELCOME TO THE
DESERT OF POST-IDEOLOGY
19.30-21.30 IS THERE A REASON IN HISTORY? STATE AND
REVOLUTION TODAY. Panel discussion.
Participants: Artemy Magun, Alexey Penzin, Alexander
Skidan, Oxana Timofeeva, Dmitry Vilensky (all – group “Chto Delat”), Keti
Chukhrov (SCCA, Moscow), Mladen Dolar, Slavoj Žižek.
The European University at Saint-Petersburg: Gagarinskaya 3.
Tel. (7-812) 386-7633
A free pre-reservation is required ( sociopol@eu.spb.ru).
Tel. (7-812) 386-7633
A free pre-reservation is required ( sociopol@eu.spb.ru).
Tuesday, July 17, 2012
The Act as "Bartleby" Inactivity
Quote from Living in the End Times, pp. 400-401:
"rather than actively resisting power, the Bartleby gesture of 'preferring not to' suspends the subject's libidinal investment in it -- the subject stops dreaming about power. To put it in mockingly Stalinist terms, emancipatory struggle begins with the ruthless work of self-censorship and auto-critique -- not of reality, but of one's own dreams.
The best way to grasp the core of the obsessive attitude is through the notion of false activity: you think you are active, but your true position, as embodied in the fetish, is passive. Do we not encounter something akin to this false activity in the typical strategy of the obsessive neurotic, who becomes frantically active in order to prevent the real thing from happening (in a tense group situation, the obsessive talks continually, cracks jokes, etc., in order to ward off that awkward moment of silence in which the underlying tension would become unbearable)? The 'Bartleby act' is violent precisely insofar as it entails refusing this obsessive activity -- in it, not only do violence and non-violence overlap (non-violence appears as the highest violence), so too do act and inactivity (here the most radical act is to do nothing).
[...]
If theology is again emerging as a point of reference for radical politics, it is so not by way of supplying a divine 'big Other' who would guarantee the final success of our endeavors, but, on the contrary,
as a token of our radical freedom in having no big Other to rely on."
Please see my comments below this post.
Capitalism as (inherently-ethical) Drive?
Slavoj Zizek: Capitalism is . . . and this, almost
I’m tempted to say is what is great about it, although I’m very critical of it
. . . Capitalism is more an ethical/religious category for me. It’s
not true when people attack capitalists as egotists. “They don't
care.” No! An ideal capitalist is someone who is ready,
again, to stake his life, to risk everything just so that production grows,
profit grows, capital circulates. His personal or her happiness is
totally subordinated to this. This is what I think Walter Benjamin,
the great Frankfurt School companion, thinker, had in mind when he said
capitalism is a form of religion. You cannot explain, account for, a
figure of a passionate capitalist, obsessed with expanded circulation, with
rise of his company, in terms of personal happiness.
I am, of course, fundamentally
anti-capitalist. But let’s not have any illusions
here. No. What shocks me is that most of the critics of
today’s capitalism feel even embarrassed, that's my experience, when you
confront them with a simple question, “Okay, we heard your story . . . protest
horrible, big banks depriving us of billions, hundreds, thousands of billions
of common people's money. . . . Okay, but what do you really
want? What should replace the system?” And then you get one
big confusion. You get either a general moralistic answer, like “People
shouldn't serve money. Money should serve people.” Well,
frankly, Hitler would have agreed with it, especially because he would say,
“When people serve money, money’s controlled by Jews,” and so on, no? So
either this or some kind of a vague connection, social democracy, or a simple
moralistic critique, and so on and so on. So, you know, it’s easy to
be just formally anti-capitalist, but what does it really mean? It’s
totally open.
This is why, as I always repeat, with all my sympathy for
Occupy Wall Street movement, it’s result was . . . I call it a Bartleby
lesson. Bartleby, of course, Herman Melville’s Bartleby, you know,
who always answered his favorite “I would prefer not to” . . . The message of
Occupy Wall Street is, I would prefer not to play the existing
game. There is something fundamentally wrong with the system and the
existing forms of institutionalized democracy are not strong enough to deal
with problems. Beyond this, they don't have an answer and neither do
I. For me, Occupy Wall Street is just a signal. It’s like
clearing the table. Time to start thinking.
The other thing, you know, it’s a little bit boring to
listen to this mantra of “Capitalism is in its last stage.” When this
mantra started, if you read early critics of capitalism, I’m not kidding, a
couple of decades before French Revolution, in late eighteenth
century. No, the miracle of capitalism is that it’s rotting in
decay, but the more it’s rotting, the more it thrives. So, let’s
confront that serious problem here.
Also, let’s not remember--and I’m saying this as some kind
of a communist--that the twentieth century alternatives to capitalism and
market miserably failed. . . . Like, okay, in Soviet Union they did try to get
rid of the predominance of money market economy. The price they paid
was a return to violent direct master and servant, direct domination, like you
no longer will even formally flee. You had to obey orders, a new
authoritarian society. . . . And this is a serious problem: how to abolish
market without regressing again into relations of servitude and domination.
My advice would be--because I don't have simple answers--two
things: (a) precisely to start thinking. Don't get caught into this
pseudo-activist pressure. Do something. Let’s do it, and so
on. So, no, the time is to think. I even provoked some of
the leftist friends when I told them that if the famous Marxist formula was,
“Philosophers have only interpreted the world; the time is to change it” . . .
thesis 11 . . . , that maybe today we should say, “In the twentieth century, we
maybe tried to change the world too quickly. The time is to
interpret it again, to start thinking.”
Second thing, I’m not saying people are suffering, enduring
horrible things, that we should just sit and think, but we should be very
careful what we do. Here, let me give you a surprising
example. I think that, okay, it’s so fashionable today to be
disappointed at President Obama, of course, but sometimes I’m a little bit
shocked by this disappointment because what did the people expect, that he will
introduce socialism in United States or what? But for example, the
ongoing universal health care debate is an important one. This is a
great thing. Why? Because, on the one hand, this debate
which taxes the very roots of ordinary American ideology, you know, freedom of
choice, states wants to take freedom from us and so on. I think this
freedom of choice that Republicans attacking Obama are using, its pure
ideology. But at the same time, universal health care is not some
crazy, radically leftist notion. It’s something that exists all
around and functions basically relatively well--Canada, most of Western
European countries.
So the beauty is to select a topic which touches the
fundamentals of our ideology, but at the same time, we cannot be accused of
promoting an impossible agenda--like abolish all private property or
what. No, it’s something that can be done and is done relatively
successfully and so on. So that would be my idea, to carefully
select issues like this where we do stir up public debate but we cannot be
accused of being utopians in the bad sense of the term.
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