Monday, March 28, 2011

What is a Master-Signifier?

From "What is a Master-Signifier"

by Rex Butler

Please see the full article at: http://www.lacan.com/zizek-signifier.htm

Zizek begins his theoretical project in Sublime Object by taking up Laclau and Mouffe's notion of 'radical democracy'. As he admits in his Acknowledgements there, it is their book Hegemony and Socialist Strategy that first oriented him in the use of the 'Lacanian conceptual apparatus as a tool in the analysis of ideology' (SO, xvi). What is the essential argument of Hegemony and Socialist Strategy? Its fundamental insight, following the linguistics of Saussure, is that there is no necessary relationship between reality and its symbolization (SO, 97). Our descriptions do not naturally and immutably refer to things, but - this is the defining feature of the symbolic order - things in retrospect begin to resemble their description. Thus, in the analysis of ideology, it is not simply a matter of seeing which account of reality best matches the 'facts', with the one that is closest being the least biased and therefore the best. As soon as the facts are determined, we have already - whether we know it or not - made our choice; we are already within one ideological system or another. The real dispute has already taken place over what is to count as the facts, which facts are relevant, and so on. For example, in 1930s Germany the Nazi narrative of social reality won out over the socialist-revolutionary narrative not because it was better able to account for the 'crisis' in liberal-bourgeois ideology, but because it was able to impose the idea that there was a 'crisis' - a 'crisis' of which the socialist-revolutionary narrative was itself a part and which must ultimately be explained because of the 'Jewish conspiracy' (TS, 179).

The same 'arbitrariness' applies not only to reality but to those ideological systems by which we construct reality. That is, again following the analogy of Saussure's conception of language, the meaning of particular political or ideological terms is not fixed or unchanging but given only through their articulation with other terms. For example, the meaning of 'ecologism' is not the same in every ideological system but shifts between several possible meanings: there is feminist ecology, in which the exploitation of nature is seen as masculine; socialist ecology, in which the exploitation of nature is seen as the product of capitalism; conservative ecology, which urges us to get back to the cycles of nature; and even capitalist ecology, which sees the free market as the only solution to our current environmental problems (SO, 87). The same would apply to the terms 'feminism', 'socialism', 'conservatism' and 'capitalism' themselves. And ideology is the struggle over which of these elements not only is defined by its relationship with the others but also allows this relationship, is that medium through which they are organized. It is the struggle not only to be one of those free-floating ideological signifiers whose meaning is 'quilted' or determined by another but also that signifier which gives those others their meaning, to which they must ultimately be understood to be referring.

This is Laclau and Mouffe's project of 'radical democracy', as elaborated in Hegemony and Socialist Strategy. But we might ask how what they propose there differs from the Marxist concept of over-determination. It is a question Zizek considers at several points throughout his work (TS, 100-3; CHU, 235). And in Sublime Object too he takes it up. Traditional Marxism, he writes there, is defined by two presuppositions. The first is that, running beneath the various conflicts in society, there is a fundamental antagonism, which is their truth and of which they are the expression. It is class struggle, the economic exploitation of the workers (SO, 89). The second is that this assumes a time - even if it is always actually deferred - when the 'objective conditions' would allow the possibility of resolving this antagonism and ending the workers' exploitation in a totally transparent society (SO, 3). Laclau and Mouffe's 'anti-essentialist' approach differs from this - insofar as there is no necessary way of symbolizing reality - in that there is no single struggle that automatically comes first. As Zizek writes: 'Any of the antagonisms, which in the light of Marxism appears to be secondary, can take on the role of mediator for all the others' (SO, 4). And, because there is no natural, pre-determined way to symbolize reality, there can be no definitive resolution of this antagonism. As opposed to some finally transparent or fully administered society, there is instead an ineradicable 'imbalance', an 'impossible-real kernel' (SO, 4), to which all particular struggles can be seen as a response.

But, again, why do all these attempts to 'quilt' society fail? What is this 'impossible-real kernel' that is a sign of their inability to attain closure? It is not, Zizek insists, a matter of some imaginary 'fullness' of society that is unable to be taken account of, some empirical 'richness' that is in excess of any attempt to structure it (CHU, 215-6). Rather, it is because whatever it is that quilts the social is itself only able to be defined, re-marked, stated as such, from somewhere outside of it. This is Laclau and Mouffe's Saussurean point that every ideological element takes on its meaning in its articulation with others. And it is this that underlies their project of 'radical democracy', why - beneath the various attempted unifications of the ideological field - society fundamentally remains open. It is because any attempt to take over this field is also an attempt to stand in for that empty signifier from which the identity of all those others can be seen; and yet, of course, as soon as we do this, we necessarily require another to see it. It is unable to be named as such, to transmit whatever values it represents to others, except from another point of view. This is why, as Laclau says, every hegemonic signifier aspires to a kind of ideal emptiness, as it makes more and more signifiers equivalent to it; but in the end it is unable to escape the original context from which it comes, is always able to be shown to be too 'particular' by another (CHU, 56-8). And what Laclau and Mouffe's 'radical democracy' marks is this paradox whereby the very success of a signifier in casting its light over others is also its failure, because it can do so only at the cost of increasingly emptying itself of any determinate meaning, or because in doing so it can always be shown not to be truly universal, to leave something out.

What this means is that, because there is no underlying society to give expression to, each master-signifier works not because it is some pre-existing fullness that already contains all of the meanings attributed to it, but because it is empty, just that place from which to see the 'equivalence' of other signifiers. It is not some original reserve that holds all of its significations in advance, but only what is retrospectively recognized as what is being referred to. Thus, to take the example of 'democracy', it is not some concept common to the liberal notion of democracy, which asserts the autonomy of the individual over the State, and the socialist notion of democracy, which can only be guaranteed by a Party representing the interests of the People. It is not a proper solution to argue either that the socialist definition travesties true democracy or that the socialist alternative is the only authentic form of democracy. Rather, the only adequate way to define 'democracy' is to include all political movements and orientations that legitimate themselves by reference to 'democracy' - and which are ultimately defined only by their differential relationship to 'non-democracy'. As Zizek writes:

The only possible definition of an object in its identity is that this is the object which is always designated by the same signifier - tied to the same signifier. It is the signifier which constitutes the kernel of the object's 'identity'. (SO, 98)

In other words, what is crucial in any analysis of ideology is to detect, behind the apparently transcendental meaning of the element holding it together, this tautological, performative, fundamentally self-referential operation, in which it is not so much some pre-existing meaning that things refer to as an empty signifier that is retrospectively seen as what is being referred to. This ideological point de capiton or master-signifier is not some underlying unity but only the difference between elements, only what its various mentions have in common: the signifier itself as pure difference (SO, 99).

Laclau and Mouffe's 'radical democracy' is a recognition that ideological struggle is an attempt to 'hegemonize' the social field: to be that one element that not only is part of the social field but also quilts or gives sense to all the others - or, in Hegelian terms, to be that 'species which is its own universal kind' (SO, 89). But, if this is the way ideology works, it is also this contingency, the notion that the meaning of any ideological term is fundamentally empty, not given in itself but able to be interpreted in various ways, that Laclau and Mouffe argue for. That is, 'radical democracy' would be not only one of the actual values within the ideological field, but also that in which other values recognize themselves, that for which other values stand in. It would be not only one of the competing values within the ideological struggle, but would speak of the very grounds of this struggle. As Zizek writes:

The dialectical paradox [of 'radical democracy'] lies in the fact that the particular struggle playing a hegemonic role, far from enforcing a violent suppression of differences, opens the very space for the relative autonomy of particular struggles: the feminist struggle, for example, is made possible only through reference to democratic-egalitarian political discourse. (SO, 88-9)

It is with something like this paradox that we can see Zizek grappling in his first two books. In Sublime Object, he thinks that it is only through the attempt to occupy the position of metalanguage that we are able to show the impossibility of doing so (SO, 156) and the phallus as what 'gives body to a certain fundamental loss in its very presence' (SO, 157). In For They Know Not, he thinks the king as guaranteeing the 'non-closure of the social' insofar as he is the 'place-holder of the void' (TK, 267) and the 'name' as what by standing in for the New is able to preserve it (TK, 271-3). And, in a way, Zizek will never cease this complicated gesture of thinking the void through what takes its place. In this sense, his work remains profoundly indebted to the lesson of Hegemony and Socialist Strategy. But in terms of Laclau and Mouffe's specific project of 'radical democracy', Zizek's work is marked by an increasing distance taken towards it. In "Enjoyment within the Limits of Reason Alone", his Foreword to the second edition of For They Know Not, he will speak of wanting to get rid of the 'remnants of the liberal-democratic stance' of his earlier thought, which 'oscillates between Marxism proper and praise of 'pure democracy' (TK, xviii). And, undoubtedly, Zizek's work becomes more explicitly Marxist after his first two books. But, more profoundly, this change in political orientation is linked to certain difficulties he begins to have with Laclau and Mouffe's notion of 'hegemony' itself. They might be summarized as: if political struggle is defined as the contest to put forward that master-signifier which quilts the rest of the ideological field, then what is it that keeps open that frame within which these substitutions take place? What is it that 'radical democracy' does not speak of that allows the space for their mutual contestation? As Zizek writes later in Contingency, Hegemony, Universality, we need to 'distinguish more explicitly between contingency/substitutability within a certain historical horizon and the more fundamental exclusion/foreclosure that grounds this very horizon' (CHU, 108). And this leads to Zizek's second major criticism of Laclau and Mouffe: that for all of their emphasis on the openness and contingency of signification, the way the underlying antagonism of society is never to be resolved, nothing is really contemplated happening in their work; no fundamental alteration can actually take place. There is a kind of 'resignation' in advance at the possibility of truly effecting radical change, a Kantian imperative that we cannot go too far, cannot definitively fill the void of the master-signifier, cannot know the conditions of political possibility, without losing all freedom (CHU, 93, 316-7).

But, again, what exactly are Zizek's objections to Laclau and Mouffe's notion of 'radical democracy'? And why is Marxism seen as the solution to them? As we have said, underlying the project of radical democracy is a recognition that society does not exist, cannot be rendered whole. It cannot be rendered whole not because of some empirical excess but because any supposed unity is only able to be guaranteed from some point outside of it, because the master-signifier that gathers together the free-floating ideological elements stands in for a void. As with the order of language, this empty signifier or signifier without signified is the way for a self-contained, synchronic system, in which the meaning of each element is given by its relationship to every other, to signify its own outside, the enigma of its origin (TK, 198). This means that any potential master-signifier is connected to a kind of hole or void that cannot be named, which all the elements stand in for and which is not defined by its relationship to others but is comparable only to itself: object a. But for Zizek, finally, Laclau and Mouffe's 'radical democracy' remains too much within an horizon simply defined by these elements. It does not do enough to think that frame which allows their exchangeability. More importantly, it does not do enough to change this frame, to bring what is excluded from it inside. It is not, in other words, that true 'concrete universality', in which the genus meets itself amongst its species in the form of its opposite (CHU, 99-101). For Zizek, it is not 'radical democracy' but only 'class struggle' that is able to do this, that is able to signal this antagonism - void - that sutures the various ideological elements. It is only 'class struggle' that is at once only one of the competing master-signifiers - class, race, gender - and that antagonism to which every master-signifier is an attempt to respond (CHU, 319-20).

Of course, at this point several questions are raised, to which we will return towards the end of this chapter and in Chapter 5. First of all, how fair are Zizek's accusations against Laclau and Mouffe when, as we have seen, radical democracy just is this attempt to think that 'void' that allows all requiltings, including that of 'radical democracy' itself? Is Zizek in his advocacy of 'class struggle' only continuing the principle already at stake in 'radical democracy'? Is he not with his insistence on 'class struggle' merely proposing another requilting of 'radical democracy', another renaming of the same principle? And yet, Zizek insists, it is only in this way that we can truly bring out what is at stake in 'radical democracy'. It is only in this way that we can make clear that no master-signifier is final, that every attempt to speak of the void is subject to further redefinition. It is only in this way that the process of contesting each existing master-signifier can be extended forever. (It is for this reason that Zizek will accuse Laclau in Contingency, Hegemony, Universality of a kind of Kantian 'formalism' (CHU, 111-2, 316-8), of excepting a transcendental, ahistorical space from the consequences of his own logic.) And yet, if Zizek challenges Laclau and Mouffe's 'radical democracy' on the basis of 'class', class is not exactly what he is talking about but would only stand in for it. As we have already seen, class is not to be named as such because the very effect of its presence is that it is always missed. In this sense, class is both master-signifier and object a, both master-signifier and what contests the master-signifier, both that void the master-signifier speaks of and that void the master-signifier covers over. Is there not therefore a similar 'resignation' or failure in Zizek, a continual falling short of that act that would break with the symbolic and its endless substitution? Or is this 'failure' only the symbolic itself? Is Zizek finally not proposing an end to the symbolic but rather insisting on the necessity of thinking its 'transcendental' conditions, the taking into account of that 'outside' that makes it possible?

Accordingly, in this chapter we look at how the master-signifier works. We examine the ways in which Zizek takes it further than Laclau and Mouffe's similar notion of the hegemonic 'universal signifier'. And how he takes it further - to begin to head toward those issues we have previously signalled - is that it is not a mere extension of an existing concept tending towards emptiness, but is 'empty' from the very beginning, a pure 'doubling' of what is. That is, implicit in the idea of the master-signifier is that it is not so much an empirical observation that comes out of the world or a formal structure that precedes it as what at once makes the world over in its image and is the secret explanation of the world just as it is; something that is neither to be verified or refuted but, as we saw in Chapter 1 with regard to class and the unconscious, is its own absence or difference from itself. And it is for this reason that later in this chapter we look at the relationship of this master-signifier to object a around two privileged examples in Zizek's work: the figure of the 'shark' in the film Jaws and the 'Jew' in anti-Semitism. In both cases, we can see that object a that is behind the master-signifier and that allows us to recoup its difference from itself, to say that all its variants speak of the same thing. And this will lead us to the innovative aspect of Zizek's treatment of ideology: his analysis of how a certain 'distance' - or what he calls 'enjoyment' - is necessary for its functioning. It is a distance we already find with regard to Jaws and Jews; but it can also be seen as a feature of ideological interpellation, as analysed by Althusser. Finally, following on from this, in the last section of this chapter, we pursue the idea that there is always a certain necessary openness by which we are able to contest any ideological closure, that the same element that sutures the ideological field also desutures it, that we are always able to find a species within it that is more universal than its genus. This again is the ambiguity of object a as at once what indicates that void at the origin of the symbolic constitution of society and what stands in for it. And it is this that leads us towards Chapter 3, which raises the question of object a as that act that would break or suspend the symbolic order of the master-signifier.

Some examples of the master-signifier

So what is a master-signifier and how does it operate in ideology? In order to answer this question, let us begin, perhaps surprisingly, with three examples taken from the realm not of politics but of art. In the chapter "The Wanton Identity" from For They Know Not, in the middle of a discussion of what he calls the 're-mark', Zizek speaks of the famous third movement of the Serenade in B flat major, KV 361, by Mozart. In it, a beautiful introductory melody, played by the winds, is joined by another, played by the oboe and clarinet. At first, this second melody appears to be the accompaniment to the first, but after a while we realize that this first is in fact the accompaniment to the second, which as it were 'descends 'from above' (TK, 76-7). Zizek then considers the well-known 'bird's eye' shot of Bodega Bay in flames during the attack of the birds in Hitchcock's film The Birds. We have what initially appears to be an unclaimed point of view, but at first one bird, then another, and then another, enters the screen, until there is a whole flock hovering there before us. We soon realize that those birds, which originally appeared to be the subject of the shot, much more disquietingly provide its point of view (TK, 77). Finally, Zizek looks at what appears to be the reverse of this procedure, the opening scene of Francis Ford Coppola's espionage thriller, The Conversation. The film begins with a seemingly conventional establishing shot of workers in a square during their lunch break, over which play random snatches of conversation. It is not until the end of the film that we realize that what we took to be mere background noise there holds the key to the plot (and to the survival of the agent who recorded it): the bugging of a furtive lunchtime liaison of an adulterous couple and their plans to murder the woman's husband (TK, 77).

There is a surprising turnaround in each case here - close to what a number of contemporary theorists have characterized as simulation - but we should try to explain in more detail how this 'reversal' actually occurs. In each case, we can see that it works neither by adding something to the original, proposing some complement to it, nor by inverting the original, suggesting some alternative to it. In Mozart, that second melodic line is not a variation upon or even the counterpoint to the first. In The Birds, we never see whose point of view the 'bird's eye' shot represents. In The Conversation, no one is sure until the end of the film what the significance of the conversation is. The 're-mark' does not so much 'add' as 'subtract' something - or, more subtly, we might say that it adds a certain 'nothing'. What the addition of that second, 're-marking' element reveals is that something is missing from the first, that what was originally given is incomplete. That order we initially took to be self-evident, 'unre-marked', is shown to be possible only because of another. That place from which the world is seen is reflected back into the world - and the world cannot be realized without it (TK, 13). Or, to put this another way, the world is understood not merely to be but to signify, to belong to a symbolic economy, to be something whose presence can only be grasped against the potential absence or background of another (TK, 22).

Thus, to return to our examples, the genius of Mozart in the third movement of the Serenade is not that the second motif retrospectively converts the first into a variant of it, but that it suggests that both are ultimately variants of another, not yet given, theme. It reveals that the notes that make up the first are precisely not other notes, for example, but only for example, those of the second. This is the 'divine' aspect of Mozart's music: it is able to imply that any given musical motif only stands in for another, as yet unheard one that is greater than anything we could imagine. And this is the genius of Hitchcock too in The Birds (of which The Conversation is an aural variant), for in that Bodega Bay sequence the ultimate point of view is not that of the birds but that of off-screen space itself, for which the birds are only substitutes. Indeed, the French film theorist Pascal Bonitzer speaks of this 'doubling' or 're-marking' of what is in terms of the 'gaze' in the essay 'Hitchcockian Suspense' he writes for the Zizek-edited collection Everything You Always Wanted to Know. He begins by conjuring up that archetypal scene from early cinema, in which we see a young nanny pushing a pram being courted by an amorous soldier in a park. He then speaks of the way that, signalled by an intervening crime, what at first seemed innocent and sentimental becomes:

Troubled, doubled, distorted and 'hollowed out' by a second signification, which is cruel and casts back every gesture on to a face marked by derision and the spirit of the comic and macabre, which brings out the hidden face of simple gestures, the face of nothingness. (H, 20)

That is, the soldier and the nanny can now be seen to be playing a dangerous and ambiguous game: the nanny wishing to drown the baby, the soldier dreaming of assaulting the nanny. But, again, the crucial aspect here is that none of this actually has to happen, nor does the crime even have to take place. The peculiar form of Hitchcockian 'suspense' lies in what is left out of the scene, what does not happen; this other place or possibility - which we might call the 'death's head' (H, 20) of the gaze - for which what we do see stands in.

It is this reversal of meaning that we also have in Zizek's other examples of the master-signifier in For They Know Not, which is that book of his where he deals most extensively, as he says, 'on the One' (TK, 7-60). The first is the notorious Dreyfus Affair, which in 1898 saw an innocent Jewish captain of the French Army, Alfred Dreyfus, sent to Devil's Island for being part of a plot to overthrow the government of the day. It is an episode that even now has its effects: the separation of Church and State in modern democracies, Socialist collaboration in reformist governments, the birth of both Zionism and right-wing populist political movements. The decisive incident of the whole affair, argues Zizek, did not occur when we might at first think, during that moment when Dreyfus was initially accused and then vigorously defended by the writer Zola, when the facts were weighed up and appeals made to the rule of law. Rather, the turning point came later, when all was seemingly lost for the anti-Dreyfus forces, when the evidence seemed most stacked against them. It was the episode in which the Chief of French Intelligence, Lieutenant Colonel Henry, who had just been arrested for forging documents implicating Dreyfus, committed suicide in his cell. Of course, to an unbiased observer, this could not but look like an admission of guilt. Nevertheless, it was at this point that the decisive intervention occurred. It was that of the little-known journalist Charles Maurras who, outwitting his better credentialled opponents, argued that this action by Henry was not evidence against the plot in which Dreyfus was implicated but evidence for. That is, looked at in the right way - and here the connection with Hitchcock's notion of the 'gaze' - Henry's forgery and suicide were not an admission of guilt but, on the contrary, the heroic actions of a man who, knowing the judiciary and press were corrupt, made a last desperate attempt to get his message out to the people in a way they could not prevent. As Zizek says of Maurras' masterstroke: 'It looked at things in a way no one had thought or dared to look' (TK, 28) - and, we might even say, what Maurras added, like Hitchcock, is just this look itself; what he makes us see is that Henry's actions were meant for our look and cannot be explained outside of it.

We find the same sudden reversal of meaning - the same turning of defeat into victory - in our next example from For They Know Not. It is that of St Paul, the founder of the Christian Church. How is it, we might ask, that St Paul was able to 'institutionalize' Christianity, give it its 'definitive contours' (TK, 78), when so many others had tried and failed before him? What is it that he did to ensure that Christ's Word endured, would not be lost and in a way could not be lost? As Zizek writes, in a passage that should remind us of what we said in our Introduction about how the messages of our great philosophers cannot be superseded or distorted:

He (St Paul) did not add any new content to the already-existing dogmas - all he did was to re-mark as the greatest triumph, as the fulfilment of Christ's supreme mission (reconciliation of God with mankind), what was before experienced as traumatic loss (the defeat of Christ's mundane mission, his infamous death on the cross) . . . 'Reconciliation' does not convey any kind of miraculous healing of the wound of scission; it consists solely in a reversal of perspective by means of which we perceive how the scission is already in itself reconciliation. To accomplish 'reconciliation' we do not have to 'overcome' the scission, we just have to re-mark it. (TK, 78)

We might say that, if St Paul discovers or institutes the word of Christ here, it is in its properly Symbolic sense. For what he brings about is a situation in which the arguments used against Christ (the failure of His mission, His miserable death on the cross) are now reasons for Him (the sign of His love and sacrifice for us). Again, as opposed to the many competing prophets of the time, who sought to adduce evidence of miracles, and so on, it is no extra dimension that St Paul provides (that in fact Christ succeeded here on earth, proof of the afterlife). Rather, he shows that our very ability to take account of these defeats already implies a kind of miracle, already is a kind of miracle. Defeat here, as understood through the mediation of Christ's love, is precisely not a sign of a victory to come but already a form of victory. St Paul doubles what is through the addition of an empty signifier - Christ's worldly mission - so that henceforth the very lack of success is success, the failure of proof is proof. Through this 're-mark', the very fact that this defeat is seen means that it is intended to be seen, that a lesson or strength is sought to be gained from it. This gaze on to events becomes part of these events themselves. It is what Lacan in his Seminar on The Ethics of Psychoanalysis calls the 'point of view of the Last Judgement' (S7, 294). And in this would lie the 'superiority' of Christianity over both atheism (St Paul) and Jewishness (Maurras). Exactly like the figure of the king for Hegel, through Christ we are able to bring together the highest and the lowest, the Son of God and the poorest and most abject of men (TK, 85). Indeed, this is what Hegel means by dialectical sublation - or this is what allows dialectical sublation - not the gradual coming-together of two things, but a kind of immediate doubling and reversal of a thing into its opposite. Seen from another hitherto excluded perspective, the one already is the other, already is 'reconciled' to the other (although, as we have seen, it is also this that allows us to think their separation, what cannot be taken up or sublated).

We might just offer here one more example of this kind of 'conversion' from For They Know Not, which originally derives from Lacan's Seminar on The Psychoses. It is another instance, like St Paul, of the Symbolic power of speech, or what Lacan calls 'full speech'; but it is a 'full speech', paradoxically - and here again we return to the lesson of our great philosophers - that is 'full' in being 'empty'. (Or, more accurately, it is a speech that is able to bring about the effect of Imaginary misrecognition, of always referring to present circumstances, through its Symbolic ability to turn failure into success. That is, as Zizek insists in For They Know Not, the Imaginary and the Symbolic are not two opposed registers, for within the Imaginary itself there is always a point of 'double reflection' (TK, 10), where the Imaginary is hooked on to the Symbolic.) 1 It is exactly in saying 'nothing' that the word lives on, is transmitted. This last example is from the play Athalie by Racine - and it too involves a certain 'plot'. The master-signifier this time is to be found in the words of one of the play's characters, the high priest Jehoiada, to the recent convert Abner who, despite his brave actions, still fears what is being done to the Christians under King Athaliah and is unsure as to the ultimate outcome of their struggle. In response to Abner's doubts, Jehoiada replies:

The one who puts a stop to the fury of the waves Knows also of the evil men how to stop the plots. Subservient with respect to his holy will, I fear God, dear Abner, and have no other fear. (TK, 16)

As Zizek emphasizes, faced with the anxiety and uncertainty of Abner, who in fact is always waiting to be discouraged, Jehoiada does not attempt logically to persuade him. He does not argue that Christianity is winning or promise him heaven (both of which, as it were, would be only the consequence of belief and not its explanation). Rather, he simply states that all of these earthly fears and hopes are as nothing compared to the fear of God Himself. Suddenly - and, again, it is the notion of 'conversion' that Zizek is playing on - all of these worldly concerns are seen in a different light. What allows religious conversion is not the prospect of imminent success on earth or the future promise of heaven, but the fear of God Himself, by comparison to which the worst here is already like being in heaven. (At the same time - and this is why Zizek is able to repeat Feuerbach's critique of religion as offering a merely specular, reversed image of the world, secretly determined by what it opposes (TK, 17) - it is through this impossible, virtual space that we would be able to mark the failure of any actual heaven to live up to its ideal, that we can know that any heaven we can actually grasp is not yet it.) It is only at this point that the proper gesture of 'quilting' or point de capiton takes place. Abner is transformed from an uncontrolled zealot, whose fervour marks a deep insecurity, to a true and faithful adherent, who is convinced of his mission and who neither needs the reward of heaven nor is shaken by events that appear to go against him.

This is, indeed, the suddenness or immediacy of Symbolic conversion, as emphasized by Zizek (and intimated in various ways by St Paul and Hegel). It does not properly work by reason, argument, persuasion. It can never be grasped as such. We are always too late to catch it in action because it has already erased itself, made it seem as though it is merely describing things as they are. Any evidence or confirmation would remain only at the level of the Imaginary, always in the form of horoscopes, predictions, self-fulfilling prophecies. And, equally, it is not even a matter of subjective belief, as all the great theologians already knew. The Word, the Other, already believes for us, and we can only follow. There is always a belief before belief. Self-knowledge and self-reflection come about only afterwards. And all of this is why, if St Paul is able to found an institution on the Word of God, he also cannot, because there is always something about the master-signifier that resists being fixed in this way. But this is what God, this is what the institution, this is what the master-signifier, is. The master-signifier is the name for its own difference from itself. The master-signifier names its own difference from itself. And to go back to Lacan's Seminar on The Psychoses, in which he first begins to formulate his theory of the master-signifier, this is just what the psychotic is unable to do. As Lacan comments there, a little psychosis, as seen in something like paranoia, is normal: the constitution of a coherent symbolic reality requires a certain reading in of plots, of hidden meanings, behind the apparent surface of things. And, of course, what this suggests is the possibility of another plot behind this plot, and so on. But what the psychotic is unable to do is stop at a certain point and say that this infinite regress is what the plot is: the symbolic closure of the Name-of-the-Father or master-signifier has been foreclosed to them. 2 It is in this regard that the Church is necessarily in touch with something that goes beyond it, a sort of performative miracle outside of any institutionalization, which at once opens up and closes down the difference of the master-signifier from itself: object a. As Lacan notes admiringly of Christianity and its point de capition: "You will say to me - That really is a curate's egg! Well, you're wrong. The curates have invented absolutely nothing in this genre. To invent a thing like this you have to be a poet or a prophet." (S3, 267).

Jaws and Jews

But, despite all we have said so far, we have not perhaps spoken enough about the master-signifier. Are not the examples we have given far-fetched, not typical of the way contemporary society actually operates? Do we really see such conspiracies as the Dreyfus case any more? Can a situation suddenly be 'converted' and turned around, as in St Paul and Athalie? Do such points de capiton as the 'Jewish plot' and the 'fear of God' truly exist in today's world? Is there a single 'quilting' point that is effectively able to condense an entire ideological field and make us see it in its terms? And, along these lines, how are we to obtain any critical distance on to the master-signifier? How are we to speak of its failure when it is just this 'failure' that the master-signifier already takes into account, that the master-signifier is? How to oppose anything to the master-signifier when one of the first things affected by it is the 'very standard by means of which we measure alienation' (TK, 15)? How to step outside of this ideological space when the very idea of some non-ideological space is the most ideological illusion of all (MI, 19-20)? And what of the role of object a in all of this, as what allows this differential structure according to which the master-signifier is defined by what it is not, in which the outside is inside (extra-ideological space is ideological) and the inside is outside (the symbolic order works only insofar as there is some distance on to it)? How does object a function to ensure that there is no outside to the symbolic order, but only insofar as there is a certain 'outside' to it?

In order to answer these questions, let us begin by taking up undoubtedly Zizek's best known example of the master-signifier in action: the figure of the shark from Jaws. Of course, like all great movie monsters, the shark can be seen as representative of many things, from the forces of nature fighting back (as humans increasingly encroach on its territory), to the eruption of sexuality (it appears after two teenagers attempt to have sex in the water), from the threat of the Third World to America (the shark, like illegal immigrants, arrives by the sea) to the excesses of capitalism (as revenge for the greed of the town mayor and resort owners in refusing to close the beach during a holiday weekend). In this sense, the shark can be understood as allowing the expression of ordinarily repressed desires and impulses within society, making explicit its usually unspoken ideologies and beliefs. And it is into this interpretive milieu that the analyst enters when they argue that it is their conception of the shark that best offers an insight into the society that produced it. However, as we have already seen with the 'rise' of the Nazi narrative in Germany in the 1930s, it is exactly here not a matter of deciding which account of the shark best corresponds to the truth of contemporary society, for it is the shark itself that each time constructs society in its image. Or, to put it another way, the analyst already has something to say about society (some point to make about the environment, sexuality or capitalism), which they then attribute to the shark. In both cases, what is not questioned - what the overwhelming physical presence of the shark allows us to forget - is that this is only an interpretation of society. What is not seen is that circularity according to which the shark is seen as embodying certain tendencies that have already been attributed to the shark. As Zizek says of what he calls this 'direct content analysis': '(It) proceeds too quickly and presupposes as self-evident the fantasy surface itself, the empty form/frame which offers space for the appearance of the monstrous content' (E!, 133).

That is, the true ideological effect of the shark, how it functions as a master-signifier, is to be found not in the way it represents certain tendencies in society that are already recognized but in the way it allows us to perceive and state these tendencies for the first time. It is the shark itself that allows the various fantasies and desires of the analyst - the true 'monstrous content' Zizek speaks of - to be expressed as though with some evidence, as though speaking of something that is actually there. As we saw with the re-mark, if the shark appears merely the expression of social forces that already exist, these forces would also not exist without the shark. If the shark appears simply to put a name to things, these things could also not be perceived before being named. (Zizek says the same thing about Hitchcock's The Birds: that if the film dramatizes certain pre-existing family tensions, these tensions could not be seen without the birds (LA, 104-6). 3 But, again - this is the very 'fantasy frame' that allows these 'monstrous contents' to be registered - in this circularity something new is brought about. If the shark expresses only what is already attributed to it by various interpreters, it also appears to be what they are all talking about, what they all have in common, even in their very differences from and disagreements with each other. It is over the meaning of the shark that they dispute, as though it is real, as though it is more than others see in it. And it is in this way, finally, that the shark acts as a master-signifier, as what various ideological tendencies recognize themselves in, what 'quilts' them, makes them equivalent. As the critic Fredric Jameson writes, in a passage cited by Zizek:

The vocation of the symbol - the killer shark - lies less in any single message or meaning than in its very capacity to absorb and organize all of these quite distinct anxieties together. As a symbolic vehicle, then, the shark must be understood more in terms of its essentially polysemous function rather than as any particular content attributable to it by this or that spectator. (E!, 133)

However, to try to draw out what Jameson is saying a little more, what is implied here is that there is some 'real' shark behind all of the various interpretations of it. It would be a shark that is not only what is in common to all of these interpretations but what all of them try (and fail) to take account of. It would be a shark that is more than any of these interpretations and that is unable to be captured by any one of them - something that in a sense cannot be named, and for which the shark itself is only a substitute (TN, 149). 4 It is what Zizek calls in similar circumstances what is 'in shark more than shark', the shark as object a. And it is what we have already seen make it so hard to think outside of the master-signifier, because this outside is what the master-signifier is. From now on, the very differences or even incommensurabilities in interpretation (of society) are only able to take place as though they are arguing over the 'same' shark. But let us try to analyse how this object a works to allow the master-signifier, and how, if it closes off any simple outside, it might also open up a certain 'alternative' to it. As we say, the shark is merely a tissue of differences. In a circular way, it is not what various interpretations seek to describe but what is retrospectively seen to fill out various interpretations. To this extent, there is a kind of infinite regress implied in trying to speak the truth of the various interpretations of the shark, insofar as they correspond to the social, because this social can only be seen through the shark. As with the system of language, the shark and these various interpretations of the social are mutually defining. And yet, as with the system of language, we must also try to find what all of these elements attempt to stand in for, what initiates this process of definition. And this is what Zizek calls the shark as object a: what holds the place of that 'pure difference' (SO, 99) that both the shark and its interpretations seek to exchange themselves for.

We might put this another way - and begin to think what Zizek means when he says that ideology today already incorporates its own distance from itself. We have spoken of how the shark is never a neutral or natural object but always from the beginning only a reflection or expression of competing ideologies. And it is into this contested field that the analyst necessarily enters. That is, even the first description of the shark is already an attempt to speak of, displace, other interpretations. Each description is not merely a description but as it were a meta-description, an attempt to provide that point de capiton that quilts all the others. Thus, when it speaks of the shark, it also wants to speak of what all those others that speak of it have in common, what they all stand in for. And it is in this sense - it is just this that we see in cultural studies-style analyses of such objects as Jaws - that each attempt not only is ideological but also attempts to break with ideology, to take a certain distance from those other accounts which it perceives as ideological, to speak of what they leave out. But it is precisely in this way that the shark once again weaves its magic, for we are only able to criticize others for being ideological by assuming that there is some real shark that others - and perhaps, in a final 'postmodern' twist, even we - get wrong. That is, in order to criticize others for being ideological, for seeing the shark only as a reflection of their own interests, we have to assume a 'true' shark that they do not speak of, which can only be a reflection of us. As Zizek writes: 'This tension introduces a kind of reflective distance into the very heart of ideology: ideology is always, by definition, 'ideology of ideology'... There is no ideology that does not assert itself by means of delimiting itself from another mere 'ideology' (MI, 19).

To be more exact, what each master-signifier attempts to speak of is that difference - that gap or void in the signifying order - that allows others (and even itself) to speak of it. In a paradoxical way, at once each master-signifier begins by attempting to displace the others, to speak of that difference excluded to allow any of them to speak of the others, and this difference would not exist until after it. This, again, is Zizek's insight that the shark as master-signifier does not precede the various attempts to speak of it, but is only the after-effect of the failure to do so, is nothing but the series of these failures. However, it is just this that provokes a kind of infinite regress, with a certain lack - object a - always to be made up, as each successive master-signifier attempts to speak of what precedes and allows the one before. And in this context the anti-ideological gesture par excellence is not at all to speak of what is left out of each master-signifier, of how it 'distorts' reality, but to show how it structurally takes the place of a certain void, is merely 'difference perceived as identity' (SO, 99). But, again, this is very complex - and we return to those questions we raised in our Introduction - in that this attempt to speak of that void that precedes and makes possible the master-signifier can only be another master-signifier. In that ambiguity that runs throughout this book, that object a we speak of that allows this differential structure of the master-signifier, as what all of these differences have in common, at once is the only way we have of exposing the master-signifier and is only another master-signifier, reveals the emptiness that precedes the master-signifier and can do this only by filling it up again.

All of this points towards the very real difficulties involved in the analysis of ideology - not only, as Zizek often indicates, in so-called 'discourse analysis', whose presumption of a non-ideological space can always be shown to be ideological, but even in Zizek's own project of uncovering the 'sublime object' or object a of ideology. But in order to consider this in more detail, let us turn to perhaps the privileged example of the master-signifier (and of object a) in Zizek's work: the anti-Semitic figure of the 'Jew'. We have already, of course, looked at the notion of the 'Jewish plot' with regard to the Dreyfus case. It is the idea that, behind the seemingly innocent surface of things, events are secretly being manipulated by a conspiracy of Jews. More specifically, as we see for instance in Nazism, it is the idea that the series of different reasons for Germany's decline in the 1930s, reasons that would require detailed social and historical - that is, political - analysis, are ultimately to be explained by the presence of Jews. And yet, as with the shark in Jaws, it is not as though these 'Jews' embody any actual qualities, correspond to any empirical reality; or they are only to be defined by their very 'polysemousness', their contradictoriness - as Zizek says, Jews are understood to be both upper and lower class, intellectual and dirty, impotent and highly sexed (SO, 125). This is why the anti-Semite is not to be discouraged by the lack of empirical evidence, the appeal to facts, the way that Jews are not really as they describe them. The notion of the 'Jewish plot', like all of our master-signifiers, functions not directly but only indirectly, incorporates our very disbelief or scepticism into it. It is for this reason, as Zizek writes, that even when confronted with evidence of the 'ordinariness' of his archetypal Jewish neighbour, Mr Stern, the anti-Semite does not renounce their prejudices but, on the contrary, only finds in this further confirmation of them:

You see how dangerous they really are? It is difficult to recognize their true nature. They hide it behind the mask of everyday appearance - and it is exactly this hiding of one's real nature, this duplicity, that is a basic feature of the Jewish nature. (SO, 49)

And this is why, behind the obvious conspiracy - that of the master-signifier - there needs to be another, of which the master-signifier itself is part. As Zizek writes in the essay "Between Symbolic Fiction and Fantasmatic Spectre: Towards a Lacanian Theory of Ideology":

This other, hidden law acts the part of the 'Other of the Other' in the Lacanian sense, the part of the meta-guarantee of the consistency of the big Other (the symbolic order that regulates social life). The 'conspiracy theory' provides a guarantee that the field of the big Other is not an inconsistent bricolage: its basic premise is that, behind the public Master (who, of course, is an imposter), there is a hidden Master, who effectively keeps everything under control. (BS, 50)

But what exactly is wrong with the empirical refutation of anti-Semitism? Why do we have the feeling that it does not effectively oppose its logic, and in a way even repeats it (just as earlier we saw the cultural studies-style rejection of competing interpretations of the shark - 'It is not really like that!' - far from breaking our fascination with the shark, in fact continuing or even constituting it)? Why are we always too late with regard to the master-signifier, only able to play its interpretation against the object or the object against its interpretation, when it is the very circularity between them that we should be trying to grasp? Undoubtedly, Zizek's most detailed attempt to describe how the master-signifier works with regard to the Jew is the chapter "Does the Subject Have a Cause?" in Metastases of Enjoyment. As he outlines it there, in a first moment in the construction of anti-Semitic ideology, a series of markers that apparently speak of certain 'real' qualities is seen to designate the Jew, or the Jew appears as a signifier summarizing - Zizek's term is 'immediating, abbreviating' - a cluster of supposedly effective properties. Thus:

(1) (avaricious, profiteering, plotting, dirty . . .) is called Jewish.

Then, in a second moment, we reverse this process and 'explicate' the Jew with the same series of qualities. Thus:

(2) X is called Jewish because they are (avaricious, profiteering, plotting, dirty . . .).

Finally, we reverse the order again and posit the Jew as what Zizek calls the 'reflexive abbreviation' of the entire series. Thus:

(3) X is (avaricious, profiteering, plotting, dirty . . .) because they are Jewish (ME, 48-9).

In this third and final stage, as Zizek says, Jew 'explicates' the very preceding series it 'immediates' or 'abbreviates'. In it, 'abbreviation and explication dialectically coincide' (ME, 48). That is, within the discursive space of anti-Semitism, Jews are not simply Jews because they display that set of qualities (profiteering, plotting . . .) previously attributed to them. Rather, they have this set of qualities because they are Jewish. What is the difference? As Zizek emphasizes, even though stage (3) appears tautological, or seems merely to confirm the circularity between (1) and (2), this is not true at all. For what is produced by this circularity is a certain supplement 'X', what is 'in Jew more than Jew': Jew not just as master-signifier but as object a. As Zizek says, with stage (3) we are not just thrown back on to our original starting point, for now Jew is 'no longer a simple abbreviation that designates a series of markers but the name of the hidden ground of this series of markers that act as so many expression-effects of this ground' (ME, 49). Jew is not merely a series of qualities, but what these qualities stand in for. Jew is no longer a series of differences, but different even from itself. But, again, what exactly is meant by this? How is the Jew able to move from a series of specific qualities, no matter how diverse or even contradictory, to a master-signifier covering the entire ideological field without exception? How is it that we are able to pass, to use an analogy with Marx's analysis of the commodity form that Zizek often plays on, from an expanded to a 'general' or even 'universal' form of anti-Semitism (ME, 49)?

The first thing to note here is that stages (1) and (2) are not simply symmetrical opposites. In (1), corresponding perhaps to that first moment of ideological critique we looked at with Jaws, a number of qualities are attributed to the Jew in an apparently immediate, unreflexive way: (profiteering, plotting . . .) is Jew. In (2), corresponding to that second moment of ideological critique, these same qualities are then attributed to the Jew in a mediated, reflexive fashion: Jew is (profiteering, plotting . . .). In other words, as with the shark in Jaws, we do not so much speak directly about the Jew, but about others' attempts to speak of the Jew. Each description before all else seeks to dispute, displace, contest others' attempts to speak of the Jew. Each description is revealed as a meta-description, an attempt to say what the Jew and all those others have in common. Each description in (1) is revealed to be an implicit explication in (2). Each attempts to name that difference - that 'Jew' - that is left out by others' attempts to speak of the Jew. Each attempts to be the master-signifier of the others. And yet - this is how (3) 'returns' us to (1); this is how the Jew is not just a master-signifier but also an object a - to the very extent that the Jew is only the relationship between discourses, what allows us to speak of others' relationship to the Jew, there is always necessarily another that comes after us that speaks of our relationship to the Jew. Jew in this sense is that 'difference' behind any attempt to speak of difference, that 'conspiracy' behind any named conspiracy. That is, each description of the Jew can be understood as the very failure to adopt a meta-position vis-à-vis the Jew. Each attempt to take up a meta-position in (2) is revealed to be merely another in an endless series of qualities in (1). That master-signifier in (2) that tries to name what all these different descriptions have in common fails precisely because we can always name another; the series is always open to that difference that allows it to be named. And 'Jew', we might say, is the name for this very difference itself: object a.

We might put this another way in thinking how we finally get to the master-signifier in its 'universal' form, the master-signifier as where 'abbreviation and explication dialectically coincide'. As we have already said, each description of the master-signifier is before all else an attempt to stand in for the other, to take the place of that void which the Jew and its previous descriptions have in common. And yet each description necessarily fails. For any attempt to say what a Jew is we can always find an exception; we can always be accused once again of leaving out the Jew. Indeed, in a certain way, our own list is made up of nothing but exceptions, attempts to say what those previous descriptions left out. We ultimately have only an endless series of predicates with nothing in common or, as Zizek says, a "never-ending series of 'equivalences', of signifiers which represent for it [the master-signifier] the void of its inscription' (TK, 23). Nevertheless, as we say, each new predicate, if it attempts to stand in for this void, also opens it up again. It too will require another to say what it and all those others have in common. As before, we can never finally say what all those descriptions share, what is behind them all. There is no way of saying what a Jew is or even how this sequence began in the first place. The only way out of this impasse - this, again, is how the master-signifier comes to be supplemented by object a - is to reverse this, so that the Jew just is this difference, the void of its inscription, what allows us to speak of the failure to symbolize the Jew. As Zizek says, the only way out is to 'reverse the series of equivalences and ascribe to one signifier the function of representing the object (the place of inscription) for all the others (which thereby become 'all' - that is, are totalized). In this way, the proper master-signifier is produced." (TK, 23)

However, to put all of this in a more Hegelian perspective - in which scission is already reconciliation - it is not as though this reversal actually has to take place. Rather, our very ability to mark these attempted descriptions as failures, as exceptions, that is, our very ability to re-mark them at all (close to the idea that there is not a 'crisis' until the narrative of Nazism or that those various ideological forces cannot be articulated until the arrival of the shark), already indicates that they stand in for an absent signifier. We cannot even have this endless series of predicates unless they are all speaking about the 'same' Jew. If we can never say what the Jew is, then, this is only because, as Zizek says of the letter (SO, 160) - and the Jew is only a letter or a signifier (TN, 150)- we have already found it. The Jew is nothing else but this endless series of predicates, this perpetual difference from itself. Crucially, however, if the Jew cannot be made into a 'figure' (named as such), neither can it be designated a 'ground' (that for which things stand in). For, in that way we have just seen, any attempt to say what a Jew is, even as a series of qualities, is only to open up an exception, raise the necessity for another ground against which this can be seen. Rather, the 'Jew' as object a, the 'sublime object' of ideology, is what allows (and disallows) the relationship between ground and figure, is that void for which both stand in. If in one way, that is, the Jew can only be seen as either (1) or (2), figure or ground, in another way, as we have seen with the shark, it is the very circularity between them. And in speaking of the Jew as the 'dialectical coincidence' of 'abbreviation' (figure) and 'explication' (ground), Zizek does not mean that they become the same or are ever finally reconciled, but that each exchanges itself for the other, holds the place of the other. The description of the empirical Jew in (1) is only possible because of the underlying Jew of (2). And every attempt to say what the Jew as master-signifier is in (2) fails, reveals itself only to be the Jew of (1). (1) is only possible because of (2) and (2) can only be seen as (1), but this only because of the Jew of (3), the Jew not only as the various signifiers of (2), what they all have in common, but the very difference between them, what they all stand in for. It is Jew as the name for this difference, as what is always different from itself. It is Jew not only as present in its absence but absent in its presence, as what everything, including any named Jew, tries and fails to represent: the Jew as truly 'universal'. 5

Identification with the master-signifier

We see the same thing in terms of how we identify with the master-signifier. Just as Zizek shows the necessity of something outside of the symbolic order (object a) for the constitution of the master-signifier, so he will show the necessity of something outside of meaning (what he will call 'enjoyment') for ideological identification to occur. It is by means of this 'enjoyment' that ideology can take its failure into account in advance, that deliberate ignorance or cynicism (pre- or post-ideology) is not outside of ideology but is the very form it takes today. And it is by theorizing this 'self-reflexive' aspect of ideology, the way it is able to incorporate its own distance from itself, that Zizek has been able to revivify and extend the traditional categories of ideology-critique. But a complex question is raised at this point, close to the one Zizek puts to Laclau in Contingency, Hegemony, Universality: is what is being described here a new, post-modern variant upon ideological identification, or has it always been the case? Is this addition of what appears to be 'beyond ideology' only what is required for it to work in a time of widespread disbelief, or has it always been necessary? And another series of questions is further suggested: if this 'distance' returns us to ideology, is part of its operation, might it not also offer a certain admission by ideology of its weakness? Might not this 'distance', if it closes off any simple alternative to ideology, also open up an internal limit on to it, the fact that it can operate only through this 'outside'? And would this not point to - to use a 'feminine' logic we will return to throughout what follows - not an exception allowing a universal but the ambiguity of the entire system of ideology, in which every element at once reveals and attempts to cover over this 'outside'?

Zizek's most extensive explanation of ideological identification is to be found in the chapter Che Vuoi? of Sublime Object. He offers there a three-part account of the workings of ideology that in many regards corresponds to the three stages in the constitution of the master-signifier. In a first, instinctive conception of identification, we see it as taking place on the level of the Imaginary, in which we identify with the image of the Other. It is an image in which 'we appear likeable to ourselves, with the image repeating 'what we would like to be' (SO, 105). It is an image that we feel potentially reflects us: movie stars, popular heroes, great intellectuals and artists. However, as Zizek emphasizes, not only is this not factually true - we often identify with less-than-appealing characters - but this Imaginary identification cannot be grasped outside of Symbolic identification. In Symbolic identification, we identify not with the image but with the look of the Other, not with how we see ourselves in them but with how we are seen by them. We see ourselves through the way that others see us. We do not identify directly with ourselves but only through another. Zizek provides an example of this in Sublime Object when he speaks of religious belief. Here we do not believe directly but only because others do. We do not believe ourselves, but others believe for us. As Zizek writes: 'When we subject ourselves to the machine of a religious [we might also say social] ritual, we already believe without knowing it; our belief is already materialized in the external ritual; in other words, we already believe unconsciously' (SO, 43).

We find another example of this Symbolic identification in Woody Allen's film Play it Again, Sam, in which a neurotic and insecure intellectual (played by Allen) learns life lessons from a fictitious Bogart figure, who visits him from time to time. At the end of the film, in a replay of the famous last scene of Casablanca, after an affair with his best friend's wife, Allen meets her at an airport late at night and renounces her, thus allowing her to leave with her husband. When his lover says of his speech: 'It's beautiful', he replies: "It's from Casablanca. I've waited my whole life to say it." And it is at this point that the Bogart figure appears for the last time, saying that, by giving up a woman for a friend, he has 'finally got some class' and no longer needs him' (SO, 109). Now, the first point to realize here is that the Allen character is not so much speaking to the woman in this final scene as to Bogart. He is not acting selflessly in forsaking her but in order to impress Bogart. That is, he does not identify with Bogart on the Imaginary level - with whatever qualities he possesses - but with the Symbolic position he occupies. He attempts to see himself from where he sees Bogart. As Zizek writes: "The hero realizes his identification by enacting in reality Bogart's role from Casablanca - by assuming a certain 'mandate', by occupying a certain place in the intersubjective symbolic network" (SO, 110). More precisely, he identifies with Bogart's seeming position outside of the symbolic order. It is his apparent difference from other people that changes everything about him and converts those qualities that would otherwise be unattractive into something unique and desirable. It is just this that we see at the end of the film, when Allen has his last conversation with Bogart, telling him that he no longer needs him insofar as he has become like him: "True, you're not too tall and kind of ugly but what the hell, I'm short enough and ugly enough to succeed on my own" (SO, 110).

However, this Symbolic is still not the final level of identification. Like every other master-signifier (freedom, democracy, the environment), Bogart always falls short, proves disappointing, fails to live up to his promise. As a result, we are forced to step in, take his place, complete what he is unable to. (It is this that we see at the end of the film when the Allen character says that he no longer needs Bogart.) And yet this is not at all to break with transference but is its final effect. (It is just when Allen is most 'himself' that he is most like Bogart.) As we have already seen in 'Why is Every Act?', it is not simply a matter of identifying with some quality or gaze of the Other as though they are aware of it. Rather, the full effect of transference comes about through an identification with something that the Other does not appear aware of, that seems specifically meant for us, that comes about only because of us. To use the language of the previous section, we do not so much identify with the Other as holder of the symbolic (as differentially defined from others, as master-signifier) as with what is in the Other 'more than themselves' (with what is different from itself, object a). If in the Imaginary we identify with the image of the Other, and in the Symbolic with the look of the Other, here in this final level we return almost to our original look upon the Other. Or it is perhaps the very undecidability as to whether the Other is looking at us or not that captivates us and makes us want to take their place.

To put this another way, because symbolic authority is arbitrary, performative, not to be accounted for by any 'real' qualities in its possessor, the subject when appealed to by the Other is always unsure (SO, 113). They are unsure whether this is what the Other really does want of them, whether this truly is the desire of the Other. And they are unsure of themselves, whether they are worthy of the symbolic mandate that is bestowed upon them. As Zizek writes:

The subject does not know why he is occupying this place in the symbolic network. His own answer to this Che vuoi? of the Other can only be the hysterical question: "Why am I what I'm supposed to be, why have I this mandate? Why am I... [a teacher, a master, a king...]?" Briefly: "Why am I what you [the big Other] are saying that I am?" (SO, 113)

And this is an ambiguity, a 'dialectic' (SO, 112), that Zizek argues is ineradicable. It is always possible to ask of any symbolic statement, like Freud's famous joke about a man telling another man he is going to Cracow when he is in fact going to Cracow (SO, 197): what does it mean? What is it aiming at? Why is the Other telling me this? It is always possible to find another meaning behind the obvious one. It is never possible to speak literally, to occupy the Symbolic without remainder, to have the empty place and what occupies it fit perfectly. It is a mismatch that Zizek associates with a certain enunciation outside of any enunciated. As he writes:

The question mark arising above the curve of 'quilting' thus indicates the persistence of a gap between utterance [the enunciated] and its enunciation: at the level of utterance you are saying this, but what do you want to tell me with it, through it? (SO, 111),/p>

In other words, there is always a certain 'gap' or 'leftover' in any interpellation - but it is not a gap that can be simply got rid of, for it is just this that makes interpellation possible, that is the place from where it speaks. It is a gap that is not merely an empirical excess, something that is greater than any nomination - this is the very illusion of the master-signifier - but a kind of internal absence or void, a reminder of the fact that the message cannot be stated in advance but only after it has been identified with, is only a stand-in for that differentiality which founds the symbolic order. It is not something 'outside' or 'beyond' ideology, but that 'difference' that allows the master-signifier's naming of its own difference. (That is - and this is brought out by Zizek's successive parsing of Lacan's 'graph of desire' (SO, 100) in Che Vuoi? - if the Symbolic makes the Imaginary possible, so this other dimension, that of the Real, makes the Symbolic possible.) As Zizek says of this relationship between ideology and what appears 'outside' of it:

The last support of the ideological effect (of the way an ideological network of signifiers 'holds' us) is the non-sensical, pre-ideological kernel of enjoyment. In ideology, 'all is not ideology (that is, ideological meaning)', but it is this very surplus which is the last support of ideology. (SO, 124)

There is thus always a gap between interpellation and any defined symbolic meaning. Any named cause can only come up short; there is always a difference between enunciation and utterance. And yet, as we saw with the master-signifier, interpellation works best when it appears mysterious, nonsensical, incomplete, not only to us but even to the Other. For it is just this that appears to open it up to us, allow us to add to it, make it our own. It is just in its lack and unknowability that it calls upon us to realize it, take its place, say what it should be saying. However, as we saw in our Introduction, whatever we do in response to it will always in retrospect be seen to be what it was already about. It is in its 'emptiness' that it is able to speak to all future interpretations of it, that any 'going beyond' is able to occur only in its name. It is not so much a match between a subject entirely contained within the Symbolic and a master-signifier that quilts the entire social field without remainder that we have here, but a match between a subject that feels themselves outside of the Symbolic and a master-signifier that is always different from itself. We identify not so much with any enunciated as with the position of enunciation itself. The fact that the Other does not have it, is divided from itself, is not a barrier to identification but its very condition, for just as we are completed by the Other, so this Other is completed by us. As Zizek writes:

This lack in the other gives the subject - so to speak - a breathing space; it enables him to avoid total alienation in the signifier not by filling out his lack but by allowing him to identify himself, his own lack, with the lack in the other. (SO, 122)

This is the ambiguity of that fantasy with which Zizek says we fill out the gap in interpellation, just as that 'sublime object' fills out what is missing in the master-signifier. And, as with the master-signifier, the particular fantasy that Zizek takes up in order to analyse this is the anti-Semitic one. That is, in terms that almost exactly repeat what we said earlier about a certain 'in Jew more than Jew' that supplements the master-signifier of the Jew, so here with interpellation there is a kind of fantasy that behind any actual demand by Jews there is always another, that there is always something more that they want (SO, 114). But, again, the crucial aspect of this fantasy - as we have seen earlier with our mythical Jewish neighbour, Mr Stern - is that Jews themselves do not have to be aware of this. This is the meaning of Zizek's argument connecting Jews as the privileged target of such racist fantasies and the particular form of their religion. He is precisely not making the point that there is anything actually in their beliefs that would justify or explain these fantasies, but rather that the Jewish religion itself 'persists in the enigma of the Other's [that is, God's] desire' (SO, 115), that this Other is also a mystery to Jews themselves, that to paraphrase Hegel the mystery of the Jews is a mystery to Jews themselves. Nevertheless, it is this fantasy that Jews somehow do know what they want that operates as a supplement to interpellation. It attempts to fill out the void of the question Che vuoi? with an answer. And even if we have to speak for the Other ourselves, admit the knowledge they do not recognize, this is not to break the anti-Semitic fantasy but only to render it stronger. The very incompleteness of our interpellation, the fact that things make no sense to us or that we can take a cynical distance on to the values of our society, is not at all to dispel the promise of some underlying meaning but only to make us search for one all the more.

And yet, if this distance from society and our positing of the Other are how we are interpellated, all this can also be read another way, as opening up a certain 'outside' to the system. It is not simply a matter of doing away with the ideological fantasy but of thinking what makes it possible. For if the Jew as fantasy, just as the Jew as object a, is able to recoup otherness and return it to the system, it also points to something else that would be required to make this up. That is, if the Jew as object a or fantasy allows the master-signifier or interpellation to be named as its own difference, it also raises the question of what allows it to be named. And it is this, finally, that Lacan means by his famous statement that 'There is no Other of the Other' (E, 311). It does not mean that there is no guarantee to the Other but that there is no final guarantee, that any such guarantee would always have to be underwritten in turn from somewhere else. It means that the same element that closes off the system also opens it up, in a kind of infinite regress or psychotic foreclosure of the Name-of-the-Father. And it is at this point, as we say, that the entire system becomes ambiguous, that the same element that provides an answer to the Che vuoi? also restates the question (SO, 124). 6 And what this in turn raises - in a theme we pursue throughout this book - is that, beyond thinking of the Jew as an exception that allows the universal to be constituted, we have the Jew as the sinthome of a drive: the universal itself as its own exception (ME, 49). It is close to the ambiguity of Zizek's own work, in which the critique he proposes of the system almost repeats the system's own logic; but in repeating the system in this manner he also opens it up to something else. Again, taking us back to questions we first raised in our Introduction - that we can reveal the 'emptiness' at the heart of the Symbolic only by filling it in; that it is never to be seen as such but only as a retrospective effect - we would say that not only is any act or positing of the Symbolic only a repetition of it, but that it is only through such a repetition that we might produce an 'act'.
[....]

Saturday, March 26, 2011

Karl Marx Quotes

From:
http://www.goodreads.com/author/quotes/7084.Karl_Marx


"هرچه Ú©Ù…‌تر "باشید" Ùˆ هرچه Ú©Ù…‌تر مظهر زندگی خود باشید، به همان نسبت بیش‌تر "دارید" Ùˆ زندگی‌تان بیگانه‌تر است. آنچه را اقتصاد از زندگی Ùˆ انسانیت شما باز‌ستاند با پول Ùˆ ثروت بازپس Ù…ÛŒ‌دهد."
Karl Marx

"...it is all the more clear what we have to accomplish at present: I am referring to ruthless criticism of all that exists, ruthless both in the sense of not being afraid of the results it arrives at and in the sense of being just as little afraid of conflict with the powers that be."
Karl Marx

"The way people get their living determines their social outlook."
Karl Marx

"If constructing the future and settling everything for all times are not our affair, it is all the more clear what we have to accomplish at present: I am referring to ruthless criticism of all that exists, ruthless both in the sense of not being afraid of the results it arrives at and in the sense of being just as little afraid of conflict with the powers that be."
Karl Marx

"yürekten sevdiğim,

sana gene yazıyorum çünkü yalnızım ve çünkü kafamın içinde seninle konuşurken senin bunu bilmiyor, ya da bana karşılık veremiyor olmana katlanamıyorum.

kısa süreli ayrılıklar iyi oluyor, çünkü hep bir arada olununca her şey hiç ayırt edilemeyecek kadar birbirine benzemeye başlıyor. yan yana durduklarında kuleler bile cüceleşirken, alelade ve ufak tefek şeyler yakından bakınca kocamanlaşır. küçük tedirginlikler onlara yol açan nesneler göz önünden kaldırıldığında yok olabilir. yan yanalık dolayısıyla sıradanlaşan tutkularsa mesafenin büyüsüyle yeniden büyüyüp doğal boyutlarına dönerler. aşkım da öyle. zamanın aşkımı tıpkı güneş ve yağmurun bitkileri büyüttüğü gibi büyütmüş olduğunu anlamam için senin bir an, sırf rüyada bile olsa, benden koparılman yetiyor. senden ayrılır ayrılmaz sana olan aşkım bütün gerçekliğiyle kendini gösteriyor: o, ruhumun bütün enerjisiyle yüreğimin bütün kişiliğini bir araya getiren bir dev. böylece yeniden insan olduğumu hissediyorum çünkü içim tutkuyla doluyor. araştırma ve çağdaş eğitimin bizi kucağına attığı belirsizlikler ve bütün nesnel ve öznel izlenimlerimizde kusur bulmaya iten kuşkuculuk bizi küçük, zayıf ve mızmız kılıyor. ama aşk -feurbachvari insana aşk değil, metabolizmaya aşk değil, proletaryaya aşk değil- sevdiğine aşk, yani sana aşk, insanı yeniden insanlaştırıyor...

dünyada çok dişi var, kimileri de çok güzel. ama ben, her bir hattı, hatta her bir kırışığı bana hayatımın en büyük ve en tatlı anılarını hatırlatan bir yüzü bir daha nerede bulabilirim? senin tatlı çehrende sonu gelmez acılarımı, yeri doldurulmaz kayıplarımı bile okuyabilir ve senin tatlı yüzünü öptüğümde acıyı öperim.

hoşça kal canım. seni ve çocukları binlerce kere öperim.
senin, karl
manchester, 21 haziran, 1865"
Karl Marx

"The abolition of religion as the illusory happiness of the people is the demand for their real happiness. To call on them to give up their illusions about their condition is to call on them to give up a condition that requires illusions. The criticism of religion is, therefore, in embryo, the criticism of that vale of tears of which religion is the halo."
Karl Marx (Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right)

"From each according to their abilities, to each according to their needs."
Karl Marx

"Ser radical é tomar as coisas pela raiz. Mas, para o homem, a raiz é o próprio homem."
Karl Marx (Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right)

"In proportion therefore, as the repulsiveness of the work increases, the wage decreases."
Karl Marx (The Communist Manifesto)

"Moments are the elements of profit"
Karl Marx (Capital 1: A Critique of Political Economy)

"Die Religion...ist das Opium des Volkes"
Karl Marx

"The education of all children, from the moment that they can get along without a mother's care, shall be in state institutions."
Karl Marx

"It is not the consciousness of men that determines their being, but, on the contrary, their social being that determines their consciousness."
Karl Marx (A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy)

"Go on, get out - last words are for fools who haven't said enough.
(To his housekeeper, who urged him to tell her his last words so she could write them down for posterity.)"
Karl Marx

"Both for the production on a mass scale of this communist consciousness, and for the success of the cause itself, the alteration of men on a mass scale is necessary, an alteration which can only take place in a practical movement, a revolution; this revolution is necessary, therefore, not only because the ruling class cannot be overthrown in any other way, but also because the class overthrowing it can only in a revolution succeed in ridding itself of all the muck of ages and become fitted to found society anew."
Karl Marx

"Once the inner connection is grasped, all theoretical belief in the permanent necessity of existing conditions collapses before their collapse in practice."
-- Letter to Ludwig Kugelmann (July 11, 1868)
Karl Marx (Selected Letters: The Personal Correspondence 1844-1877)

"Social progress can be measured by the social position of the female sex."
Karl Marx

"Crack-brained meddling by the authorities [can] aggravate an existing crisis."
Karl Marx

"Workers of the world unite! You have nothing to lose but your chains."
Karl Marx

"The first requisite for the happiness of the people is the abolition of religion."
Karl Marx

"The materialist doctrine that men are products of circumstances and upbringing, and that, therefore, changed men are products of other circumstances and changed upbringing, forgets that it is men that change circumstances and that the educator himself needs educating."
Karl Marx

"All freed, fast-frozen relations, with their train of ancient and venerable prejudices and opinions, are swept away, all new-formed ones become antiquated before they can ossify. All that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is profaned, and man is at last compelled to face with sober senses, his real conditions of life, and his relations with his kind."
Karl Marx

"To be radical is to grasp things by the root. "
Karl Marx

"The production of too many useful things results in too many useless people."
Karl Marx

"The world will be for the common people, and the sounds of Happiness will reach even the deepest springs."
Karl Marx

"Men make their own history, but they do not make it just as they please; they do not make it under circumstances chosen by themselves, but under circumstances directly encountered, given and transmitted from the past. The tradition of all the dead generations weighs like a nightmare on the brain of the living."
Karl Marx (The 18th Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte)

"If money is the bond binding me to human life, binding society to me, binding me and nature and man, is not money the bond of all bonds? Can it not dissolve and bind all ties? Is it not, therefore, the universal agent of separation?"
Karl Marx

"Let the ruling classes tremble at a Communist revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win. Working men of all countries, unite!"
Karl Marx (The Communist Manifesto)

"I am nothing but I must be everything."
Karl Marx (Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right)

"Question everything."
Karl Marx

"The abolition of religion as the illusory happiness of the people is the demand for their real happiness."
Karl Marx

"Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature, the heart of a heartless world and the soul of soulless conditions. It is the opium of the people."
Karl Marx

"Sell a man a fish, he eats for a day, teach a man how to fish, you ruin a wonderful business opportunity."
Karl Marx

"History repeats itself, first as tragedy, second as farce."
Karl Marx

"The last capitalist we hang shall be the one who sold us the rope."
Karl Marx

"The oppressed are allowed once every few years to decide which particular representatives of the oppressing class are to represent and repress them."
Karl Marx

"The philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways: the point, however, is to change it."
Karl Marx


































Friday, March 25, 2011

Žižek on Subjectivity, Negativity, and Universality

From:
International Journal of Žižek Studies
ISSN 1751- 8229
Volume Two, Number Two
"The Hegelian 'Night of the World': Žižek on Subjectivity, Negativity, and Universality"
Robert Sinnerbrink - Macquarie University (Australia)

http://www.zizekstudies.org/index.php/ijzs/article/view/136/222

[....]
II: Abstract Negativity and Concrete Universality
Žižek’s reflections on the Hegelian subject, however, do not only have psychoanalytic and
cultural significance; they also have social and political implications. In The Ticklish Subject as
well as elsewhere, Žižek’s analysis of the Hegelian “night of the world” is explicitly linked with
the question of abstract negativity and its relationship with concrete universality. In an argument charged with political resonances, Žižek shows how the radical negativity of subjectivity—the capacity to negate all our finite, particular determinations—enables the dialectical passage from abstract to concrete universality. In practical terms, this means there is a dimension of violence, conflict, or antagonism that cannot be eliminated in historical and socio-political experience. Far from rehearsing the cliché of Hegel’s reconciliationist stance towards the state, Žižek claims that the radical negativity of the subject—the ‘night of the world’—means that there can be no concrete universality without the historico-political passage through madness, violence, even revolutionary terror (as in Hegel’s famous analysis of the post-revolutionary Jacobin Terror, an abstract negativity that ushered in the modern bourgeois state (Hegel 1977: 355-363)). This Hegelian argument concerning abstract negativity and concrete universality provides an essential backdrop, frequently misunderstood, to Žižek’s critique of various contemporary forms of ‘post-political’ ethical resistance to the state (most recently, Simon Critchley’s ethically grounded neo-anarchism (see Critchley 2007; Žižek 2006: 332-334; Žižek 2008: 339-350)).

Žižek returns again and again to the Hegelian distinction between abstract and concrete
universality. What does it mean? Against the prevailing stereotype of Hegel’s subordinating of
particularity to universality, Žižek points out that universality in its concrete dimension is realised through individualisation; that is, the concrete universal is embodied in the individual. As Žižek observes, Hegel was the first thinker to argue that the “properly modern notion of
individualisation” occurs through secondary identification (1999: 90). The individual is initially
immersed in its immediate milieu, the particular life-form into which he or she is born (family,
local community). It is only once one’s primary identifications with one’s ‘organic’ community are
broken that one becomes an “individual,” namely by asserting one’s autonomy through
identification with a secondary community that is also universal and ‘artificial’; that is, mediated
and sustained through the free activity of independent subjects (profession, nation, independent
peer-group versus traditional apprenticeship, organic community, prescribed social role, and so
on) (Žižek 1999: 90). The abstract opposition between primary and secondary identifications
(where primary identifications are rejected in favour of secondary identifications) is suspended
once the primary identifications are reintegrated and experienced as the “modes of appearance”
of my secondary identifications (Žižek 1999: 90).

Žižek then further complicates this account of concrete universality, ‘crossbreeding’ it
with Hegel’s distinction between neutral “positive” Universality and differentiated “actual”
Universality (1999: 90). The former refers to the “impassive/neutral medium of the coexistence
of its particular content”; the latter to the actual existence of Universality, “which is individuality, the assertion of the subject as unique and irreducible to the particular concrete totality into which he is inserted” (Žižek 1999: 91). The Universal as neutral ‘container’ that is indifferent towards the particulars it subsumes is contrasted with the Universal as “the power of negativity that undermines the fixity of every particular constellation” (Žižek 1999: 91). The latter is the Universality of the individuated subject as power of the negative; the power to oppose and negate all particular determinate content. Indeed the passage from abstract to concrete universality, Žižek argues, proceeds thanks to the power of abstract negativity;
phenomenologically speaking, this power of the negative “comes into existence in the guise of
the individual’s absolute egotist self-contraction” (Žižek 1999: 91)—via what the
Phenomenology will later describe, with reference to the discursive understanding, as the
subject’s power to “tarry with the negative”.

The striking conclusion Žižek draws from this analysis is that the only way to make the
passage from abstract to contract universality is via “the full assertion” of this power of radical
negativity, the negation of all particular content (1999: 92). At one level this would seem to be
an instance of the famous Hegelian Aufhebung; we must lose immediate reality in the selfcontraction of the “night of the world” in order to regain it as social reality, symbolically mediated by the subject; or we must renounce the immediate organic whole, submitting ourselves to the activity of the understanding, in order to regain it at a higher, mediated level as the “totality of Reason” (Žižek 1999: 92). Here the standard objection to the Hegelian Aufhebung looms, much rehearsed by poststructuralist readers of Hegel (see Žižek 1991: 31-38); namely that Hegel allows the moment of radical negativity, recognises “the horror of the psychotic self-contraction,” the radical dismemberment in which Spirit finds itself, but only in order to dialectically recuperate this negativity in the name of the “reconstituted organic whole” (Žižek 1999: 92-3).

From Abstract to Concrete Universality
Žižek’s radical reading of Hegel challenges this orthodoxy: the passage through negativity, from
abstract to concrete universality, is not about avoiding the moment of radical negativity in favour of the rational totality. Rather, it claims that this passage is unavoidable; the passage to the high passes through the low, the direct choice of the higher is precisely the way to miss it (Žižek 1999: 93). Citing another favourite speculative passage from the Phenomenology, Žižek refers to the peculiar conjunction of opposites that Hegel observes in the case of the penis, a
conjunction which Nature “naively expresses when it combines the organ of its highest
fulfilment, the organ of generation, with the organ of urination” (Hegel 1977: 210). It is not a
matter of choosing insemination rather than urination (as though these comprise an abstract
opposition, as representational consciousness would have it). Rather, we have to pass through
the ‘wrong choice’ (biological excretion, urination) in order to attain the ‘right choice’ (biological
conception, insemination, the reproduction of life): the speculative meaning—the Hegelian
infinite judgment that articulates the co-existence of excretion/elimination and
conception/reproduction, indeed the shift from biological conception to rational comprehension
—emerges only as an after-effect of the first, ‘wrong’ reading, which is contained within, indeed
constitutive of, the speculative meaning (Žižek 1999: 93).6

Žižek’s point here is to show that the movement from abstract to concrete universality
requires this passage through radical negativity, that is to say the ‘wrong’ choice of the abstract
negativity of conflict and violence is the only way to arrive historically at the ‘right’ choice of a
stable, rational, democratic state. At the level of social and political life, the attempt to bypass
the negative and directly choose “the ‘concrete universality’ of a particular ethical life-world”
results in the even greater violence of a “regression to premodern organic society”; a denial of
the “infinite right of subjectivity” that, for Hegel, is the principle of modernity itself (Žižek 1999:
93). The modern subject-citizen cannot accept being immersed within a particular determinate
social role prescribed within an organic social Whole; rather, as in Hegel’s famous analysis of
the French revolution, it is only by passing through the “horror of revolutionary Terror” that the
constraints of the premodern organic ‘concrete universality’ are destroyed and the “infinite right
of subjectivity in its abstract negativity” can thus be asserted (Žižek 1999: 93).
Again, Žižek questions the standard reading of Hegel’s famous analysis in the
Phenomenology of abstract freedom and Terror, according to which the revolutionary project,
with its “direct assertion of abstract Universal reason,” perishes in “self-destructive fury”
because it fails to organise its revolutionary energy into a stable and differentiated social order
(1999: 93). Hegel’s point, rather, as Žižek argues, is to show how the revolutionary Terror,
despite being an historical deadlock, is nonetheless necessary in order to effect the historical
passage towards the modern rational state (1999: 93). The historical situation that opposes “a
premodern organic body and the revolutionary Terror which unleashes the destructive force of
abstract negativity” always involves an Hegelian forced choice: “one has to choose Terror” (the
‘wrong’ choice) against pre-modern organic community, in order to create the terrain for the
‘right’ choice; namely to create the conditions “for the new post-revolutionary reconciliation
between the demands of social Order and the abstract freedom of the individual” (Žižek 1999:
94).

Žižek thus fully endorses the Hegelian claim that the freedom of subjectivity emerges out
a certain experience of radical negativity. This also applies to the contrast between ethical life
and morality: the immersion of the subject in his/her concrete social life-world versus his/her
“abstract individualist/universal moral opposition to this concrete inherited universe” (Žižek
1999: 94). The moral individual, acting on behalf of a larger universality, acts so as to challenge
and undermine the inherited determinate ethical mores of his/her community (Socrates versus
the Greek polis; Christ versus the Jewish people) (Žižek 1999: 94). As Hegel argues, however,
the stubborn attachment of the moral subject to his/her convictions, despite the demands of the
ethical totality, also dialectically transitions into its opposite, that is, into Evil—yet another
instance of the passage through negativity marking the movement from abstract to concrete
universality. As Žižek points out, Hegel is well aware that this abstract universality gains
existence through violence, the destructive fury towards all particular content, which is again the
only way the concrete Universal can be realised through the emergence of the freedom of
individual subjectivity (1999: 94).

Once again, Žižek challenges the doxa concerning the young Hegel’s aesthetic vision of
harmonious Greek Sittlichkeit: Hegel ‘becomes Hegel’ once this vision of a stable organic
totality (as developed in the 1802-3 System of Sittlichkeit) is abandoned. Such a model, Žižek
remarks, is in fact closer to the ‘aestheticisation of politics’ characteristic of political romanticism,
with its anti-modernist emphasis on organic community and anti-universalistic traditionalism
(1999: 94). Indeed, it is only after Hegel too makes the ‘wrong’ choice (idealised Greek
Sittlichkeit) that the mature Hegel can make the ‘right’ one: namely, acknowledging that the only path to concrete universality (and the modern state) is via the subject’s choice of abstract
negativity (the skandalon of Christ’s emergence versus the nostalgic hope for a renewed
version of Greek Sittlichkeit) (Žižek 1999: 94-5). The mature Hegel’s concept of reconciliation,
on Žižek’s reading, is thus deeply ambiguous: it is not only the reconciliation of a split (between
individual subjectivity and social totality) but reconciliation with this split as “the necessary price
of individual freedom” (1999: 95). The stereotype of the young radical Hegel who later became
the conservative ‘state philosopher’ justifying the existing social order should thus be turned on
its head: it is the revolutionary project of the younger Hegel that prefigured the establishment of
a new organic Order that abolishes modern individuality, while the mature Hegel’s insistence on
the right of subjectivity—including the unavoidable passage through abstract negativity—
provides the only way historically to ensure the achievement of concrete universality (Žižek
1999: 95). The lesson to be drawn here is twofold: that liberal democratic modernity cannot
disavow its revolutionary, indeed violent, historico-political origins; and that political romanticism can recur even in the guise of an anti-universalist insistence on particularity, difference, and ‘community’.

To return to my earlier discussion, this is why Hegel praises the Understanding
[Verstand] (rather than reason) in the “tarrying with the negative” passage from the
Phenomenology quoted above. It is the understanding’s power to “disrupt any organic link,” to
treat as separated what originally exists within a concrete context, that guarantees the subject’s
freedom as Spirit. Indeed, this negative power of the understanding is a more developed version
of what the younger, romantic Hegel called the ‘night of the world,’ the power of the presynthetic
imagination; “the power that precedes the synthesis of imagination whose highest
expression is logos” (for Heidegger, that which gathers together) (Žižek 1999: 96). The image of
Hegel the arch-conservative, arguing for a return to a premodern organic social totality in which
each individual has his/her prescribed place, is thus radically false. Rather, for Hegel, the very
existence of subjectivity “involves the ‘false’, ‘abstract’ choice of Evil, of Crime”—that excessive
moment of abstract negativity that throws the whole social order momentarily ‘out of joint’ (Žižek 1999: 96). The destruction of organic community, the subject’s ‘irrational’ insistence on some ‘abstract’ feature of the whole that disrupts its harmonious unity, is the very movement by which the subject is historically actualised—or to put it in Hegelese, the manner in which substance also becomes subject. As Žižek argues, the unity that emerges from this passage through negativity is thus no longer a substantial organic unity; rather it is a “substantially different Unity,” a Unity grounded in negativity, one in which this movement of negativity assumes a positive existence (1999: 96)—precisely in the modern political state, the formalised
‘embodiment’ of negativity that nonetheless retains the trace of this violent power to expose the
life of its citizens. Hegel thus anticipates the Foucaultian-Agambenian theme of biopolitics, the
‘negative’ power of the state to both expose and administer the biological life of its citizens.

The ‘Night of the World’ and Revolutionary Violence
Žižek’s unorthodox reading of the Hegelian theme of concrete universality—the necessity of a
passage through abstract negativity in order to attain the individualisation of the subject as free
and universal—is taken up again in The Parallax View (2006). It also informs his recent analysis
(2008: 337-380) of the “crisis in determinate negation” afflicting liberal democratic politics and
contemporary political philosophy (Critchley and Badiou). In The Parallax View, Hegel’s ‘night of
the world’ passage reappears again, this time in connection with the question of revolutionary
violence. Žižek cites here Rebecca Comay’s fascinating discussion of the link between the
Hegelian analysis of the self-destructive fury of the revolutionary Terror, and the “obsessive
fantasies of survival entertained by the popular imaginary of the guillotine” (2006: 43). Such
spectral decapitation fantasies were vividly manifested, Comay observes, in the “proliferation of
blushing heads, talking heads, suffering heads, heads that dreamed, screamed, returned the
gaze, the disembodied body parts, detached writing hands, the ghosts and ghouls and zombies
that would fill the pages of gothic novels throughout Europe” (Comay 2004: 386). As Žižek asks,
with these nightmarish fantasies of spectral decapitation haunting the post-revolutionary world,
are we not back again within Hegel’s notorious ‘night of the world’? The frenzy of revolutionary
upheaval destroys the fabric of ordinary historical and social reality, returning us to the
elementary ‘zero-level’ of subjectivity; the “spectral obscene proto-reality of partial objects
floating around against the background of the ontological Void” (2006: 44). Revolutionary
violence disrupts social reality through the exercise of abstract negativity, temporarily returning
the subject to the elemental level of proto-subjectivity, the dismembering violence of the ‘night of the world’.

Here one cannot help but make the comparison between Hegel’s brutal observation
concerning the guillotine—the post-revolutionary reduction of death to a mechanical cut, “a
meaningless chopping off of a cabbage head” (Hegel 1977: 360; Žižek 2006: 43)—and the
archaic revival of ‘sacrificial’ beheadings practised by Islamist terrorists. Such beheadings occur
through knife-wielding executioner rather than the impersonal operation of the guillotine; and
while performed in secret they are video recorded in order to be disseminated via Jihadist
propaganda websites for a globally dispersed audience. In the latter case, however, this
abstract negativity or political violence is not in the service of “Absolute Freedom,” as was the
case, from Hegel’s perspective, with the post-French revolutionary Terror.7 Rather, Islamist
terrorism is more akin to a violent abstract negation of the modern ‘right of individual
subjectivity’: a simultaneously ‘pre- and post-modern’, technologically primitive (knives,
boxcutters) and sophisticated (internet and communicational media), attempt to negate the
‘morally decadent’ liberal democratic capitalist order that makes this right of subjectivity
possible.

The point of Hegel’s analysis, it must be said, is to show that this revolutionary Terror is
fundamentally self-undermining; that it cannot reconcile the drive towards (abstractly conceived) Absolute Freedom with the historically achieved norms of freedom and subjectivity that define the institutions of modernity. Žižek’s claim is that such violence is nonetheless historically unavoidable as the way in which the transition from abstract to concrete universality is effected.

Here I return to my earlier question concerning the relationship between imagination and
understanding: the contrast between the ‘romantic’ reading of Hegel that gives priority to the
‘pre-synthetic’ imagination of the ‘night of the world’ (abstract negation) versus the ‘idealist’
reading that emphasises the “power of the negative” articulated through the discursive
understanding (determinate negation). Žižek combines the two forms of negativity (abstract and
determinate) in a Schellingian manner, arguing that they are two aspects of the same power of
negativity. This move, however, exposes him to the criticism that his account of revolutionary
Terror flirts with a political romanticism that valorises the abstract negativity of revolutionary
struggle over the determinate negation that results in the rational social and political institutions
of the modern state. For Hegel, the abstract negativity of revolutionary violence must be
aufgehoben in the rational organisation of the self-reforming social and political institutions of
modernity. We only revert to the abstract negativity of revolutionary violence when these norms and institutions have utterly broken down, lost all legitimacy and normative authority, that is, when the (violent) historical transition to a new configuration of Spirit is already well underway. Must we say, however, with Žižek that abstract negation is the only way that concrete universality—the freedom of subjectivity—can be historically realised?

Global Capitalism: ‘End of History’ or ‘History of Violence’?
The question for us today, then, is to ask what happens when this rational totality (Western
neoliberal democracy) becomes disturbed by the contradictory dynamics of global capitalism.
There are at least two distinct Hegelian responses: one is to point to the role of the selfreforming
institutions of modernity, those of capitalist liberal democracy, to effectively pacify,
manage, or control these contradictory dynamics without entirely eliminating them. This line of
thought—given popular expression in Fukuyama’s The End of History and the Last Man (1992)
—tends to the conclusion that liberal democratic capitalist modernity is here to stay; we have
effectively reached the ‘end of history’ in which radical revolutionary political transformations are no longer likely or even possible. This ‘Fukuyamaian’ line then cleaves into at least two
opposing positions: the moral or religious conservative position arguing for a return to traditional
values to offset the deracinating effects of neoliberalism, a desperate attempt to refound the
disturbed Sittlichkeit of multicultural liberal democracies; and the libertarian-postmodernist
position that displaces political radicalism to the contested sphere of culture, arguing for a
cultural politics of difference, utopian multiculturalism, radical affirmation of the Other, and so
on, as ways of affirming ethical forms of freedom and plural modes of subjectivity made possible
by capitalist liberal democracy. The point, for Žižek, is that both moral-religious conservative
and libertarian-postmodernist positions share the ‘Fukuyamaian’ thesis: that capitalist liberal
democracy is here to stay, hence needs to be either resisted or reformed. “The dominant ethos
today,” as Žižek remarks, “is ‘Fukuyamaian’: liberal-democratic capitalism is accepted as the
finally found formula of the best possible society, all one can do is render it more just, tolerant,
and so forth” (2008: 421).

On the other hand, there is the romantic, revolutionary position, which argues for a
retrieval of the abstract negativity of the revolutionary tradition in order to perform a destructive negation that would disrupt the capitalist economico-political system. This is the line of thought —Hegelian but also Marxist-Leninist in inspiration—that Žižek argues for in his most recent tome, In Defense of Lost Causes (2008). For Žižek, we must first of all question and
theoretically reject the ‘Fukuyamaian’ liberal democratic consensus: capitalist liberal democracy
is not necessarily the ‘universal and homogeneous’ form of the state, as Kojève put it, in which
the atomised post-historical animals of the species homo sapiens will privately enjoy their
narcissistic consumer pleasures (Kojève 1969: 157-162). Rather, the contradictory dynamics of
contemporary global capitalism—we need only mention global credit, fuel, oil, and Third World
food crises, and the stark reality of ecological and environmental limits to growth—suggest that
it is possible that Western societies may be entering a period of instability, uncertainty, even
decline.

Žižek cites four key antagonisms that are relevant here: the ecological crisis (global
warming, ‘peak oil’); the challenge to concepts of private property posed by new forms of
‘intellectual property’; the socio-ethical implications of new techno-scientific developments
(biogenetics); and new forms of apartheid, particularly the proliferation of slums, separated
communities, non-state governed zones of disorder (2008: 421-427). In light of these
intersecting antagonisms confronting global capitalism, the historical question of whether it is
possible to redeem the failed revolutionary attempts of the past (Benjamin) may not yet be
entirely closed.

Žižek’s radical Hegelian-Marxist wager is directed primarily against contemporary liberal
democratic but also ‘postmodernist’ politics that depoliticise the economy—‘naturalising’ it as the
unquestioned background of society, culture, and politics—and thereby displace political conflict
to the sphere of culture and subjectivity. One could argue that the displacement of political
radicalism to the cultural sphere—our contemporary ‘aestheticisation of politics’—is an
ideological disavowal of the real source of the antagonisms afflicting modern liberal
democracies. It represents a politically debilitating attempt to transpose the abstract negativity of revolutionary struggles to the ‘sublimated’ sphere of culture (as in the familiar ‘culture wars’ that pit social and religious conservatives against secular liberals and libertarian ‘postmodernists’ in symbolic struggles over moral and cultural questions of subjectivity, identity, and values). The
problem with this pseudo-Hegelian sublimation of politics into culture, however, is that it leaves
untouched what Marx correctly identified as the ‘base’ of these morally driven forms of sociocultural struggle: the economic dynamics of global capitalism. This is why Žižek’s has recently argued—notably in In Defense of Lost Causes—for a refusal of the liberal democratic ‘moral blackmail’ that condemns in advance any form of radical politics as ‘totalitarian’ or ‘terroristic,’ and why he now advocates an active reclaiming of the historical and political revolutionary heritage of the Left. Žižek’s radical Hegelian-Marxist proposal would entail acknowledging the power of negativity defining modern subjectivity, a recognition of the suppressed ‘night of the world’ or abstract negativity that continues to haunt the precarious ‘imaginary community’ of liberal democracy.

The question, however, is whether this can be done without relapsing into the
nightmarish violence of the Hegelian ‘night of the world’. Are there more determinate forms of
negation—of social and political struggle against the normative orders of capitalism—that might
disturb the liberal democratic ‘moral consensus’ that has so strikingly paralysed the Left? Does
reclaiming the history of revolutionary activism also imply the risk of embracing forms of
violence that have marred twentieth-century political history? Or can the revolutionary spirit—the spectre of Marx, if one will—be reanimated without repeating this history of violence? Žižek’s Hegelianism and his Marxist-Leninism pull in different directions precisely on this issue. The Hegelian answer would be that the abstract negativity of revolutionary violence must be
aufgehoben through the formation of rational social and political institutions capable of
reconciling the deracinating effects of capitalism with the principle of individual subjectivity. The
Marxist-Leninist response, on the other hand, would argue that such liberal-capitalist institutions themselves be subjected to revolutionary violence—a ‘negation of the negation’—that would create the historical conditions for future (communist) emancipation. We should note, though, that the Hegelian response is retrospective and descriptive; a conceptual comprehension of the underlying logic of the dynamics of modernity that would reconcile us to the vicissitudes of
modern freedom. The Marxist-Leninist response, by contrast, is prospective and prescriptive; a
demand to translate theory into practice, overcoming this alienating opposition by means of
revolutionary action. Žižek appears to argue for a synthesis of these distinct, seemingly
incompatible, responses, which raises the following difficulty: how is the Hegelian account of the
negativity involved in the transition from abstract to concrete universality to be reconciled with
the Marxist-Leninist demand for revolutionary action that would negate all such merely
‘ideological’ comprehension?

One response would be to suggest that Žižek is simply pointing to the unavoidability of
the moment of negativity in any theorisation—and political practice—of the historical realisation
of free subjectivity. He reminds us that the Left forgets this Hegelian lesson at its peril. For in
that case it either assents to the ‘Fukuyamaist’ consensus that there is ‘nothing to be done’
since we’ve already arrived at the (liberal-capitalist democratic) ‘end of history’; or else it naively asserts the need for a renewed romantic-revolutionary response that demands a violent
(abstract) negation of the status quo. The Hegelian response, by contrast, would be to argue for
the possibility of a retrieval of the revolutionary tradition that has also become historically
reflective and socio-politically determinate: not simply an abstract ‘violent’ negation of modern
liberal-democratic institutions but rather a determinate negation of the normative consensus—
the implicit background of economic neo-liberalism—that sustains them; a productive negation
that would both preserve their emancipatory potentials while also negating their alienating sociocultural effects. Such a task, of course, is easier said than done. Žižek’s bold engagement with the relationship between the negativity of the (Hegelian) subject and the antagonisms defining global capitalism thus throws down the philosophico-political gauntlet. All the more so if one believes that social and political movements today should reclaim that seemingly most ‘lost’ of causes—the Leftist revolutionary tradition committed to the concrete universality of freedom.

Notes
1 This Hegelian background is crucial, I suggest, for grasping Žižek’s critical response to Simon
Critchley’s claims for a (Levinasian) ethical anarchism of resistance in response to global
capitalism (Critchley 2007; Žižek 2006: 332-334; Žižek 2008: 339-350).
2 Žižek returns precisely to Hegel’s “night of the world” passage in his analysis of Schelling’s Die
Weltalter, comparing the Hegelian radical negativity and conception of madness as withdrawal
from the world with the Schellingian “self-contraction” that “negates every being outside itself”
(Žižek 1997: 8).
3 As Žižek remarks, he has referred to these two Hegelian passages “repeatedly in almost all
my books” (1999: 67, fn. 33).
4 Otto Weininger, like Heidegger, recoils from the abyss of subjectivity: Weininger via recourse
to his misogynistic “henids” or phantasmatic “confused feminine representations” (1994: 145),
and Heidegger via his “turn” from the Daseinsanalytik of Being and Time towards the gentle
releasement towards Being (1999: 22-28).
5 In this respect, Žižek’s Hegelianism echoes the radical reading of Hegel—inflected by Marx
and Heidegger—made famous by Alexandre Kojève in his 1933-39 Lectures on Hegel’s
Phenomenology of Spirit (1969).
6 As A. V. Miller observes, Hegel makes a similar speculative point (in his Philosophy of Nature)
concerning the mouth, which combines kissing and speech on the one hand, with eating,
drinking, and spitting on the other (Hegel 1977: 210-211, fn. 1).
7 This is why Žižek criticises Simon Critchley’s claim (2007: 5-6) that all forms of revolutionary
vanguardism—including Leninism, Maoism, Situationism, and Al-Qaeda-style Islamism—are to
be equally rejected as forms of active nihilism. By blurring the difference between the distinct
political logics of “radical egalitarian violence” (what Badiou calls the “eternal Idea” of
revolutionary justice) and “anti-modernist ‘fundamentalist’ violence” (defining radical Islamism),
Critchley lapses into “the purest ideological formalism”, echoing the identification, both by
liberals and conservatives, of so-called ‘Left’ and ‘Right’ forms of totalitarianism (Žižek 2008:
348).

References
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Butler, J. Laclau, E. Žižek, S. (2000). Contingency, Hegemony, Universality: Contemporary
Dialogues on the Left, London: Verso.
Butler, R. (2005). Slavoj Žižek: Live Theory, New York: Continuum.
Comay, R. (2004). ‘Dead Right: Hegel and the Terror’, South Atlantic Quarterly 103: 2/3
(Spring/Summer), pp. 375-395.
Critchley, S. (2007). Infinitely Demanding: Ethics of Responsibility, Politics of Resistance,
London: Verso.
Fukuyama, F. (1992). The End of History and the Last Man, New York, Free Press.
Hegel, G.W.F. (1974). ‘Jenaer Realphilosophie, in Frühe politische Systeme, Frankfurt: Ullstein.
Hegel, G.W.F. (1977). Hegel’s Phenomenology of Spirit, trans. by A. V. Miller, Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
Heidegger, M. (1997). Kant and the Problem of Metaphysics. Fifth edition, Enlarged. trans. by
R. Taft, Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
Kay, S. (2003). Žižek: A Critical Introduction, London: Polity Press.
Kojève, A. (1969). Lectures on Hegel’s Phenomenology of Spirit, trans. by J. H. Nichols, New
York, Basic Books.
Sharpe, M. (2004). Slavoj Žižek: A Little Piece of the Real, Aldershot: Ashgate.
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Albany: SUNY Press.
Žižek, S. (1991). For They Know Not What They Do: Enjoyment as a Political Factor, London:
Verso.
Žižek, S. (1992/2001). Enjoy Your Symptom! Jacques Lacan in Hollywood and out, Revised
Edition, New York/London: Routledge.
Žižek, S. (1993). Tarrying With the Negative: Kant, Hegel, and the Critique of Ideology,
Durham: Duke University Press.
Žižek, S. (1994). The Metastases of Enjoyment: Six Essays on Women and Causality, London:
Verso.
Žižek, S. (1996). The Indivisible Remainder: An Essay on Schelling and Related Matters,
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Žižek, S/F. W. J. von Schelling (1997). The Abyss of Freedom/Ages of the World. An Essay by
Slavoj Žižek with the text of Schelling’s Die Weltalter (second draft, 1813), in English
translation by Judith Norman, Ann Arbor, MI: The University of Michigan Press.
Žižek, S. (1999). The Ticklish Subject: The Absent Centre of Political Ontology, London: Verso.
Žižek, S. (2006). The Parallax View, Cambridge, MA./London: The MIT Press.
Žižek, S. (2008). In Defense of Lost Causes, London: Verso.

Thursday, March 24, 2011

Haiti after Aristide's return

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Former Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide has returned to the country he was kidnapped from in a U.S.-backed coup just over seven years ago. Despite massive pressure brought to bear by the U.S. government, Aristide boarded a small plane with his family in South Africa on March 17 and arrived in Haiti the next day.

The country he returned to has been ravaged by last year's massive earthquake and the terrible aftermath, during which the U.S. and its allies broke their promises to provide desperately needed aid. Two months before, Jean-Claude "Baby Doc" Duvalier, the notorious former dictator who was driven into exile by a mass rebellion in 1986, also returned to Haiti.

Aristide arrived just ahead of a run-off election on March 20 for Haiti's president that the U.S. hoped would ratify its plans for a country subjugated to Washington's neoliberal agenda. Aristide's party, Fanmi Lavalas, was excluded from the election. Results of the run-off were still being calculated on March 22.

Kim Ives, a journalist and editor with Haiti Liberté [1], returned to Haiti ahead of Aristide's arrival. He provided this live report from Port-au-Prince via phone to a panel discussion on March 19--the day before the election--at the Left Forum in New York City.

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I AM standing near a tent camp here in Port-au-Prince. About 1,500 internally displaced people have been living here since just after the earthquake.

This place is a poster child for Haitian poverty and misery. The people here find minimal shelter under scattered tarps and tents, beneath a blazing sun and near a cesspool which floods anytime it rains, sending waste and foul water into people's tents. It's a breeding ground for mosquitoes. It's filled with garbage and stinks to high heaven. It is truly a miserable place.

The tent camp is sandwiched between an assembly factory where many of the residents of this camp work and a food relief operation. That relief operation doesn't provide enough food for these people. The camp's residents are practically starving. You see children with swollen bellies mixed with the miserable adults.

This is really a microcosm of Haiti--a completely impoverished working class sandwiched between these NGOs and sweatshops. The NGOs provide less than minimal nutrition to them. In fact, the Red Cross, which has been providing water to this camp, is set to cut it off next week. The sweatshops take advantage of this misery. People consider it a privilege to accept a wage of $1 or $2 a day in an attempt to hold on to a precarious existence.

This is the context in which President Jean-Bertrand Aristide arrived yesterday. The reception was absolutely extraordinary. People say it wasn't a "lavalas," which in Creole means a cleansing flood--it was a tsunami. A wall of humanity poured down out of the streets and slums and stormed out of the city toward the airport.

This was impressive because the Duvalierists, neo-Duvalierists and international embassies did a major campaign to try to confuse people. They kept repeating, "No, he's not coming back until the 22nd, or "It's not clear when he's coming back." We were doing interviews in front of the palace, and we'd have people jump in and repeat these claims.

So people all across Haiti were confused. When Aristide's plane landed, Radio Télé Ginen was the only television station that showed up. All of the press boycotted the arrival, even though everybody knew he was returning. It was streaming live on Democracy Now!--Amy Goodman was sending pictures out from the plane. But most of the radio here owned by the bourgeoisie was not on hand.

The international press was there in force, though, and it was a frantic scramble. After Aristide arrived, as many of you have seen already, he gave a speech. It was, I would say, better than many had hoped, because he spoke clearly, and what he said was like a match to a fuse.

He said, "Exclusion is the problem, inclusion is the solution." He was talking not just about political the exclusion of his party Fanmi Lavalas from the elections that are going to take place tomorrow. He also meant social exclusion--the fact that the people, living in this camp, living in the slums around here, working in these factories, working and living and in many cases dying because of the poor conditions, are excluded from the riches that exist in this country.

He did not only mean the agricultural richness that Haiti once produced in rice, sugar, coffee and other crops. He also meant the exclusion from benefiting from the mineral wealth that is being discovered here. He spoke about the exclusion from newly found uranium, oil, gold, silver, marble, calcium carbonate and other resources. Those are some of interests that drive these rampaging foreign corporations, which are trying to seize control of the state apparatus now through the election.

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BUT LET'S turn back to the day itself. The people were waiting outside the gates of the airport. Security inside the airport was extremely tight. We were shuttled by buses out to where the plane flew in. It flew in about 20 minutes early so the press was taken somewhat unaware, but immediately, all the barricades and fences were swept away by the press, which just ran up to the plane. Aristide descended into a pool of press. And on leaving the airport, he descended into an ocean of people.

It was quite extraordinary. It was beyond joyous--I would almost call it rapturous. Margaret Prescott of Women's Strike for Peace called it a "tsunami of love." People jogged alongside Aristide's motorcade as it brought him back to his home in Tabarre, about two or three miles from the airport.

When we arrived at the home, the plan, I think, was that the motorcade would enter, and the people would stay outside, but that's not what happened. An ocean of people surged into the compound.

The Aristides are living there, but they don't have electricity, they don't have Internet, they don't have telephones, they don't have water. They're camping out in the shell of their former home, which was torn apart by the rebels that came, looted and broke whatever they could back in 2004. But it has been painted and repaired. This crowd, this ocean of people, carried the Aristide delegation into the compound. People were climbing up trees and walls to get a glimpse of Aristide. They were on top of the house. They were dancing, they were singing, they were yelling. It was bedlam. It was pandemonium.

The press was bobbing around, like little floats in this ocean, with their microphones and cameras, trying to capture it, but it was like trying to capture a waterfall with a teaspoon. It was just extraordinary.

Finally, after about five or six hours, people started to fade away, and eventually, some police came in and cleared the yard. Inside the house, a number of Lavalas supporters gathered from around the country and around the U.S. I should also say around the world, because CLR James' widow Selma James was there. She runs an organization in London called "Women's Crossroads." There was Pierre LaBossiere from the Haiti Action Committee, Margaret Prescott from Women Strike for Peace, Amy Goodman and Sharif Abdel Kouddous from Democracy Now!

It was a very relaxed, very happy occasion. It was so emotional to watch. Tears were streaming down cheeks of Aristide and his family as they came into their home. You have to imagine what it was like for his two daughters. They have essentially grown up in South Africa. Cristina, the oldest, was seven years old when the coup happened. Between the ages of 7 and 14, she really didn't know about her father and what a symbol he was in Haiti--somewhat like the Haitian Nelson Mandela. So she was learning now as a teenager about her father's significance. It was touching to watch the emotion and pride on her face, and that of her sister Mikaela.
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ALL IN all, I can say that the return has set the stage for a political confrontation. The Lavalas movement burst onto the scene 20 years ago and essentially seized power from the Duvalierists and neo-Duvalierists in 1990. Now we see a similar confrontation emerging decades later, but the roles are reversed. It's Lavalas--or what I would call the neo-Lavalas, the bourgeiosified Lavalas--which is in power. This is what the Duvalierists are now challenging, above all, through the candidacy of Michel Martelly.

Inside this tent camp, where I am standing, Martelly has built a base of Duvalierists. I just overheard a guy on the phone saying "Jean-Claude Duvalier, that's who I believe in, because he doesn't take any shit. He's the man." So the thugs of the bourgeoisie and the big landowners are trying to capitalize on people's misery, gather supporters and hoist themselves into power for the first time through elections.

We have to remember that Duvalierists tried to take power over the past 20 years through coup d'états, one in 1991 and another in 2004. Neither of those worked because they were military coups, and the people resisted. But they've diversified their weaponry and are now coming to power through an electoral coup.

I call the election a coup because it is completely illegal. The Institute for Justice and Democracy has issued a study that lays out how completely phony and bogus the elections are. Nevertheless, this is how Michel Martelly will ascend into power.

The people are divided. Do we go with Martelly? Do we try to boycott? Most of the Lavalas base was despairing, but with Aristide's return, it's now been emboldened and invigorated, and I think that the boycott movement has been given an effective jolt of energy. I think we may see a strong boycott. Will it be reported? Will it succeed in discrediting the elections? That remains to be seen.

We heard the debate in the Lavalas base inside the compound yesterday. Some would say, "I'm going to vote Sweet Micky," meaning Michel Martelly. But those people would always be interrupted by others who supported a boycott, saying, "No, there was no first round, there will be no second round."

So this is the debate going on between the Lavalas forces that support a boycott and the neo-Duvalierists who are trying to come to power through an electoral coup. This is the battle we are seeing, and I think Aristide's arrival in the country has brought it to a new phase.

How will Aristide handle it? How he will navigate in these narrows remains to be seen. He has in past years tried to do what they call in Creole "marronage," which is to compromise, and wheel and deal his way through such situations. That strategy has often alienated sectors of the left that had supported him because he was the people's choice, but were frustrated with his compromises.

But I think Aristide has changed to some extent. If you read his statements in exile, particularly from this past December, he has apparently become harder and more anti-imperialist. The speech he gave yesterday at the airport spoke clearly to the question of inclusion and exclusion. He didn't avoid political questions completely as he might have in the past.

Although not as combative as some might have wished, his speech was enough to send a strong message to the people. I think in the days and weeks ahead, we're going to see a confrontation begin to take shape between a neo-Duvalierist regime, most likely led by Martelly, and a counter-attack by Aristide and the Lavalas base.

  1. [1] http://www.haitiliberte.com
  2. [2] http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0

Wednesday, March 23, 2011

Koch Industries or Koch Crimes?

Koch And Native-American Reservation Oil Theft

Just what is this Koch Industries? Should it be called a "company?" If so we need to re-think the idea of what a company and a business is supposed to be. Even the brother of Koch Industries owners David and Charles Koch called the company an "organized crime" operation.

Koch money is a key driver of the conservative movement. Almost every [1]rock [2] you turn over [3] has Koch money [4] crawling around [5] under it. As the movement becomes more and more of a pay-to-play operation, conservatives of every stripe do more and more to protect and enrich the Koch operation. This has included blocking, disrupting and avoiding official investigations of accusations. It also includes funding front groups to advance the political and financial interests of the company and its owners. conservative-movement

Theft Of Oil From Reservations

Oppose The Future [6] has the story of how Koch Oil [7] was caught stealing oil from an Indian Reservation, reducing or removing the incomes of so many poor residents.

At some point in 1987, Thurmon Parton’s royalty checks for the three oil wells he inherited from his mother suddenly dropped from $3,000 a month to a little over $1,000. He and his sister, Arnita Gonzalez, members of the Caddo tribe, lived near Gracemont, Oklahoma, a town of a few hundred people on a small grid on the prairie.

Those modest royalties were the only source of income each of them had.

. . . What happened to Mr. Parton, Ms. Gonzales and Ms. Limpy had nothing to do with the wells or how they were producing. Their oil was being stolen. And all of the evidence pointed to the same culprit: Koch Oil, a division of Koch Industries.

This is an important story today because it helps us understand the nature of the Koch operation, which has so much influence over our politics and even livelihoods today. It also helps us understand why our government not only appears to be influenced, but often to be outright corrupted. From the story,

In the spring of 1989, a Special Committee on Investigations of the United States Senate’s Select Committee on Indian Affairs was formed to look into concerns that the path to tribal self-rule was impeded by fraud, corruption and mismanagement from all sides.

... Within a span of months, the Special Committee determined that “Koch [Oil] was engaged in systematic theft, stealing millions in Oklahoma alone.” BLM, even with a tip that Koch was behaving improperly, hadn’t done a thing.

Oppose The Future [7] lays out the story and details of the oil theft. There is also story of the years following.

"A Broad Pattern Of Criminal Behavior"

Back in 1996 Business Week looked into the relationship between then-Senator and Presidential Candidate Bob Dole and Koch Industries and an apparent pattern of influence by the company, in BOB DOLE'S OIL-PATCH PALS [8]. Here are some excerpts from their investigation, [emphasis added]

Koch has had a history of run-ins with the Justice Dept. and other federal agencies. In 1989, a special congressional committee looked into charges that Koch had routinely removed more oil from storage tanks on Indian tribal lands ... Dole tried to influence the Senate committee to soft-pedal the probe. Nevertheless, after a yearlong investigation, the committee said in its final report, "Koch Oil, the largest purchaser of Indian oil in the country, is the most dramatic example of an oil company stealing by deliberate mismeasurement and fraudulent reporting." The report triggered a grand jury probe. The inquiry was dropped in March, 1992, which provoked outrage by congressional investigators.

Then in April, 1995, the Justice Dept. filed a $55 million civil suit against Koch for causing more than 300 oil spills over a five-year period. Dole and other Senators, however, sponsored a bill ... that critics charge would help Koch defend itself ... legal sources say the government's ultimate goal is to use evidence in the two actions to establish that Koch has engaged in a broad pattern of criminal behavior.

... From Apr. 19, 1991, through Nov. 2, 1992, David Koch and the Koch Industries political action committee together contributed $7,000 to Nickles' campaign war chest. Around the same time, [Oklahoma Republican Senator Don] Nickles sponsored Timothy D. Leonard, an old friend of Nickles, for the post of U.S. Attorney in Oklahoma City. ... initially, questions were raised in the U.S. attorney's office about whether Leonard should recuse himself because Koch Industries purchased oil from wells in which Leonard and his family had royalty interests ... Then-Deputy Attorney General William P. Barr granted him a waiver to participate in the case ... In March, 1992, after an 18-month investigation, the U.S. Attorney's office terminated the grand jury probe and informed Koch it anticipated no indictments. ... As the grand jury investigation was winding down, Nickles sponsored Leonard for a federal judgeship. He was nominated by President Bush in November, 1991, and confirmed by the Senate the following August.

Business Week lays out the evidence [8] in detail. The timing, with Republican administration/committee/agency/department after administration/committee/agency/department impeding and/or dropping investigations into Koch activities is also clear.

In 2000, CBS' 60 Minutes ran a segment, Blood And Oil And Environmental Negligence [9] looking at the activities of the Koch brothers and their private company Koch Industries,

As we told you when we first reported this story last November, the Koch family of Wichita, Kansas is among the richest in the United States, worth billions of dollars. Their oil company, Koch Industries, is bigger than Intel, Dupont or Prudential Insurance, and they own it lock stock and barrel.

William Koch, brother of company owners David and Charles, called the company an "organized crime" operation:

Koch says that Koch Industries engaged in "(o)rganized crime. And management driven from the top down."

"It was – was my family company. I was out of it," he says. "But that’s what appalled me so much... I did not want my family, my legacy, my father’s legacy to be based upon organized crime."

In March, 2001 the incoming Bush administration repealed the "responsible contractor rule" that barred companies that chronically defraud the government and/or violate federal pollution, wage and other rules from receiving federal contracts.

Then, in 2002 the Bush II administration awarded Koch the contract [10] to supply oil to the Strategic Petroleum Reserve. (There were accusations that the government bought oil when prices were high, and sold it when prices were low.) The contract was renewed in 2004. Koch received tens of millions [11] in other government contracts during the Bush years.

The story [12] and timeline of the Koch operation (and its front-groups) go on[13] and on [14], organizing and funding [15] climate-denial front groups [16], front-groups run and funded by the Koch Brothers [17] organizing and funding the Tea Party [18]. (Please click the links.)

Think Progress [19] in particular has been following the activities of this "company" [20] and its front groups [21], and it is certainly worth taking a look. See REPORT: How Koch Industries Makes Billions By Demanding Bailouts And Taxpayer Subsidies (Part 1) [22],

Koch funds both socially conservative groups and socially liberal groups. However, Koch’s financing of front groups and political organizations all have one thing in common: every single Koch group attacks workers’ rights, promotes deregulation, and argues for radical supply side economics.

Tuesday, March 22, 2011

Aristide returns to Haiti

http://www.peoplesworld.org/aristide-returns-to-haiti-calls-for-inclusion-of-poor-and-disenfranchised/

Aristide returns to Haiti, calls for inclusion of poor and disenfranchised

Former Haitian President Jean Bertrand Aristide returned to Haiti this morning after a seven-year period of exile in South Africa. Speaking at the airport in the Haitian capital, Port au Prince, Aristide used the French, Spanish, English and Zulu languages to address the crowd. Zulu was a gesture of gratitude to his former South African hosts whose President, Jacob Zuma, is a Zulu speaker. Aristide had been studied African languages while in exile.

Aristide did not comment directly on the flawed general elections in Haiti, the second round of which is due to take place this Sunday, March 20. Instead he focused on the need to replace "exclusion" of the mass of the Haitian poor with "inclusion" through educational and economic improvements. "Today there are not even two doctors per 11 thousand Haitians; that is the result of exclusion...Haiti lives in extreme poverty, hunger, unemployment, drugs and injustice and exclusion."

He made a point of thanking Cuba for its solidarity work after last year's earthquake in the Puerto Prince area, which killed 300,000 people, and the current cholera epidemic, which has killed another 4,000.

Aristide, a former Roman Catholic priest, had been a strong critic of the brutal dictatorship of Jean-Claude "Baby Doc" Duvalier, who has also returned to Haiti after a long exile in France. Aristide was elected president in 1991, but was almost immediately overthrown by the Duvalierist military, which proceeded to massacre thousands of poor Aristide supporters.

In 1994, Aristide obtained the armed support of the Clinton administration to return him to Haiti, in exchange for which he accepted most of the "Washington Consensus" plan of "free trade" (which, in practice, meant eliminating import tariffs on U.S. taxpayer subsidized rice and other imports), privatization and austerity. As a result, thousands of Haitian farmers were driven off the land because they could not compete with U.S. imports, while American rice producers, based in Clinton's home state of Arkansas, reaped a bonanza.

Aristide did succeed in abolishing the army, which had been such a source of instability and human rights abuses in the past. After a period out of power, Aristide was elected again in 2001, with the support of militant poor people's organizations that sometimes constituted themselves as armed militias to fight against the rich and against Aristide's opponents.

In 2004, he was overthrown again by violent right-wing gangs supported by the Bush administration and the French government. Aristide accuses the United States of being directly involved in his overthrow. France was angry with Aristide for demanding reparations for money that France had extorted from Haiti in the 19th and 20th centuries, and thus is seen to have connived in the coup.

Since then there has been a UN peacekeeping contingent in Haiti, which itself has become controversial because of clashes with poor Haitians. Aristide's enemies and the Bush administration made accusations against Aristide of corruption and abuse of power, but his supporters see this as mere propaganda.

Aristide's party, Fanmi Lavalas, very popular among poor Haitians, was excluded from the elections under the pretext of a technicality. As a result, there was to be a runoff between Merlande Manigat, a right-wing candidate with Duvalierist connections, and Jude Celestin, the candidate of the Inte (Unity) party of President Rene Preval. However, the elections were deeply flawed and the United States, Canada and France pressured Preval's government to push Celestin out of the runoff, and instead permit Michel "Sweet Mickey" Martelly, another Duvalierist who has promised to restore the army, to run against Manigat in the runoff. Martelly, who is a popular singer, has pulled ahead of Manigat in the polls.

The United States had been trying to pressure South Africa into keeping Aristide out of Haiti until after the elections. This was the topic of a last minute phone call by President Obama to President Zuma of South Africa yesterday. UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon had also asked for South Africa to block Aristide's return The South African Foreign Ministry angrily retorted that his country would have no part in "holding [Aristide] hostage" and facilitated his flight to Haiti, in which Aristide was accompanied by his U.S. lawyer, Ira Kurzbahn, and actor Danny Glover.

Aristide may have timed the trip because no matter who wins the election, they would be likely to take action to prevent his return, by cancelling his passport (given to him by the current government headed by Rene Preval) or other means, perhaps including violence.

So perhaps it was now or never.