Slavoj Žižek: 'What Goes On When Nothing Goes On?'
By Slavoj Žižek /
23 November 2012
[…]
So should the Palestinians stand idly while the West Bank
land is taken from them day by day? When Israeli peace-loving liberals present
their conflict with Palestinians in neutral “symmetrical” terms, admitting that
there are extremists on both sides who reject peace, and so on, one should ask
a simple question: What goes on in the Middle East when nothing goes on there at
the direct politico-military level (i.e. when there are no tensions, attacks,
negotiations)? What goes on is the incessant slow work of taking the land from
the Palestinians in the West Bank: the gradual strangling of the Palestinian
economy, the parceling of their land, the building of new settlements, the
pressure on Palestinian farmers to make them abandon their land (which goes
from crop-burning and religious desecration up to individual killings), all
this supported by a Kafkaesque network of legal regulations. Saree Makdisi, in Palestine
Inside Out: An Everyday Occupation, described how, although the Israeli
occupation of the West Bank is ultimately enforced by the armed forces, it is
an “occupation by bureaucracy”: its primary forms are application forms, title
deeds, residency papers, and other permits. It is this micromanagement of daily
life which does the job of securing the slow but steadfast Israeli expansion:
one has to ask for a permit in order to leave with one’s family, to farm one’s
own land, to dig a well, to go to work, to school, to a hospital ... One by
one, Palestinians born in Jerusalem are thus stripped of the right to live
there, prevented from earning a living, denied housing permits, and so on.
Palestinians often use the problematic cliché of the Gaza Strip as “the
greatest concentration camp in the world”— however, this designation has come
dangerously close to truth. This is the fundamental reality which makes all
abstract “prayers for peace” obscene and hypocritical. The State of Israel is
clearly engaged in a slow, invisible process, ignored by the media, a kind of
underground digging of the mole, so that, one day, the world will awaken and
realize that there is no more Palestinian West Bank, that the land is
Palestinian-frei, and that we can only accept the fact. The map of the
Palestinian West Bank already looks like a fragmented archipelago.
At times, the State of Israel has tried to contain Israel’s
excesses, as when the Supreme Court ordered the evacuation of some settlements
in late 2008, when illegal West Bank settler attacks on Palestinian farmers had
become a daily occurrence. But, as many observers noted then, these measures
cannot but appear half-hearted, counteracting a politics which, at a deeper
level, is the long-term politics of the State of Israel, which
massively violates the international treaties signed by Israel itself. Netanyahu
is proceeding full steam ahead with plans for new illegal settlements, despite
widespread international condemnation. The reply of the illegal settlers to the
Israeli authorities is basically: We are doing the same thing as you, just more
openly, so what right do you have to condemn us? And the answer of the state is
basically: Be patient, don’t rush too much; we are doing what you want, just in
a more moderate and acceptable way. The same story seems to continue from 1949:
while Israel accepts the peace conditions proposed by the international
community, it calculates that the peace plan will not work. The wild settlers
sometimes sound like Brünnhilde from the last act of Wagner’s
Die Walküre, reproaching Wotan that, by counteracting
his explicit order and protecting Siegmund, she was only realizing Wotan’s own
true desire, which he was forced to renounce under external pressure. In the
same way, the illegal settlers only realize the state’s true desire that it was
forced to renounce because of the pressure of the international community.
While condemning the openly violent excesses of “illegal” settlements, the
State of Israel promotes new “legal” West Bank settlements, continues to
strangle the Palestinian economy, and so on. A look at the changing map of East
Jerusalem, where the Palestinians are gradually being encircled and their space
sliced up, says it all. The condemnation of non-state anti-Palestinian violence
obfuscates the true problem of state violence; the condemnation of
illegal settlements obfuscates the illegality of the legal ones. Therein
resides the two-facedness of the much-praised non-biased “honesty” of the
Israeli Supreme Court: by means of occasionally passing a judgment in favor of
the dispossessed Palestinians, proclaiming their eviction illegal, it
guarantees the legality of the remaining majority of cases.
And—to avoid any kind of misunderstanding—taking all this
into account in no way implies any “understanding” for inexcusable terrorist
acts. On the contrary, it provides the only ground from which one can condemn
the terrorist attacks without hypocrisy.
[In this extract from The Case for Sanctions Against Israel, Slavoj Žižek inspects the stark reality of the Israel-Palestine conflict. As the world takes notice when missiles are fired, no liberal defence can excuse the actuality of the situation—that the Palestinians will not stand idly by while more and more of the West Bank is taken from them each day.]
[In this extract from The Case for Sanctions Against Israel, Slavoj Žižek inspects the stark reality of the Israel-Palestine conflict. As the world takes notice when missiles are fired, no liberal defence can excuse the actuality of the situation—that the Palestinians will not stand idly by while more and more of the West Bank is taken from them each day.]
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